Narendra Modi

Out of tune, out of line

THE world is witnessing calamitous wars, which are recasting the way diplomacy and economic ties have hitherto been conducted. India is caught in the vortex of chaos. One would have tho­u­­ght that in his Independence Day address on Sat­urday, which marked the 79th anniversary of freedom from Britain, Prime Minister Narendra Modi would discuss the fallout of the crisis and prepare the nation for the air pockets ahead. Instead, he was busy supervising a divisive song the Constituent Assembly had warned against in 1950. Russia’s all but declared war with Nato and Iran’s taming of the US and Israeli militaries are indeed tectonic events. In their wake, India’s future as a regional power with global aspirations is at stake. The defence pact Pakistan signed with Saudi Arabia and Turkiye has crucial implications, too, for the security bundobust in and beyond the oil-rich West Asia. Also, Modi has been tasked with hosting a potentially landmark BRICS summit next month, bringing together Russia, China and influential member states that are involved in or watching the Gulf conflict, with key members ranged against each other. Will the BRICS meeting set the tenor for the arriving changes or is India planning to play the spoiler? India’s moral crisis deepened when Amnesty International said New Delhi had sent Israel 2,596 shipments of military ordnance, which could be used in the Gaza genocide. Modi, on his part, has already declared India’s stand by visiting Israel just before the assassination of Iran’s spiritual leader on Feb 28. Like India’s foreign policy, the singing of Vande Mataram was poorly timed. The recent Cockroach protests revealed that Indians are getting weary of Modi’s primeval preference for pitting the people against each other. However, the song evidently failed to shift the focus from the urgent issues of unemployed youths, rampant corruption, including the notorious heist at the Ram temple in Ayodhya, and unintelligent foreign policy choices imposed on harassed citizens. Why does the Congress party get cold feet in challenging deliberately foisted faux religiosity? It was troubling, though, to see the opposition Congress party looking pulverised over the divisive song. Home Minister Amit Shah accused Sonia Gandhi of seeking to stop its singing at a Congress event to mark Independence Day. The Congress made it worse by issuing an embarrassing denial that anyone tried to stop the song. The Gandhi family — Rahul, Priyanka and Sonia Gan­­dhi — have been forceful critics of Modi’s ties with Benjamin Netanyahu and his genocide in Gaza. Rahul Gandhi is widely accepted as an agreeable champion of the hoi polloi. He speaks clearly and forcefully on burning issues like corruption, a stymied education policy, the targeting of the poor, farmers’ distress and alleged rigging of elections. He has notably also asked why, since his gre­at-grandfather Jawaharlal Nehru spent 12 years in British jails before becoming a great world leader, he should not be ready to go to jail for 10 years. Bravado apart, the focus should be on sending the erring opponents to justice. But why does the Congress lose its wits when it comes to frontally challenging Hindutva? The Gandhis routi­nely name the BJP and the RSS as fatal for democracy. Why, then, does the party get cold feet in challenging deliberately foisted faux religiosity? Why is it an ordeal for the Congress to take the stand expected of it, undeterred by any electoral consequences? It’s a Hindutva myth, of course, that Muslims have some special aversion to the controversial lines of Vande Mataram. The discomforting fact for Hindutva, which the Gandhis may wish to share with the party, is that a majority of Indians, including Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, Christians, Parsis, and above all, Arya Samaj Hindus and swathes of tribespeople among others, do not subscribe to the worship of deities mentioned in the uncensored stanzas of Vande Mataram. Its patronage by the Modi government impertinently ignores the separation of religion from the functioning of the secular state that India was conceived to be when it acquired a republican constitution in 1950. That’s how the song was trimmed — to keep the patriotic fervour in the first two stanzas while removing the divisive religious references in the remaining lines. A tuneful Vande Mataram used to be rendered every morning on Akashvani, the state-run radio, without any trouble. It was composed and sung at a Congress function in 1911 in the soothing Raag Desh by Rabindranath Tagore. Vishnupant Pagnis later sang it in Miyan ki Sarang, while Omkarnath Thakur and V.D. Paluskar composed it in other lilting tunes. It was Tagore, author of Indian, Bangladeshi and Ceylonese anthems, who suggested that Vande Mataram be trimmed to accord with the sentiments of India’s multicultural and multireligious patriots. For the record, the 1872 song was part of a Ben­gali novel that described Muslims as the enemies of the motherland and in which the Muslim ruler of Bengal was depicted as the cause of misfortune for the Hindu ascetics, the Santans. Anandmath started a troubling communal canard by airbrushing the militant role of Muslim fakirs who fought shoulder to shoulder with the Hindu sanyasis against the British and their Indian agents. The song’s ongoing misuse by Hindutva practitioners ignores the fact that the ancient Vedic religion, the fountainhead of Hinduism, did not worship Durga or any other goddess in the song. The Arya Samajis emphasised the Vedic origins of Hinduism and banished idol worship from their practice of the religion altogether. Thus, the RSS in recent years has been emphasising its proximity to the Sanatan Dharma. The BJP support for the mostly Sanskrit song would quite likely find most of its supporters struggling to recite or sing it in tune. But Gandhiji, too, was a follower of the Sanatan Dharma, and he was involved in relieving the song of its religious references while keeping the patriotic stanzas intact. It is an unresolved contradiction within the Sanatan fold that Gandhi and his killers shared the same scriptures and drew totally opposite conclusions from their readings. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com Published in Dawn, August 18th, 2026

India's Modi woos youth with free coaching, AI training

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Saturday his government would provide free online coaching lessons for competitive exams, weeks after massive youth-led protests forced the education minister to resign. Modi said the initiative was aimed at easing the financial burden on millions of families caught up in the country’s fiercely competitive education system. The 75-year-old leader made the announcement while speaking from the ramparts of New Delhi’s imposing 17th-century Red Fort to mark the country’s independence from Britain on August 15, 1947. “We have decided to provide free online coaching for various competitive examinations for our youth. We have the digital public infrastructure, and we have highly talented teachers and educators,” he said. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi waves as he attends the Independence Day celebrations at the historic Red Fort in Delhi, India on August 15, 2026. —Reuters The move comes after nationwide protests, triggered by the leak of a key medical entrance examination paper and a series of other recruitment scandals, culminated in the resignation of education minister Dharmendra Pradhan last month. The protests exposed deep frustration among young Indians over access to jobs and educational opportunities. They also highlighted immense pressures on students in India, the world’s most populous nation, where admission to government-run colleges remains one of the most sought-after pathways to economic security. The cut-throat competition has fuelled a sprawling coaching industry where students spend years preparing, often at enormous financial cost for their families. Modi said the free online classes would ease financial burden on “poor and middle-class families”. “The competition surrounding coaching classes has become a huge burden for middle-class families… [Students] can stay close to their families, receive their care, and avoid placing an additional financial burden on them,” he said. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets children during the Independence Day celebrations at the historic Red Fort in Delhi, India on August 15, 2026. —Reuters Modi also announced plans to train several million young people in artificial intelligence tools. “We have decided in the next one year, one crore (10 million) youth will be given training in AI skills,” he said. Since the protests, authorities have attempted to appease the nation’s youth, with the parliament hiking penalties for leaking exam papers. Critics say the protests posed one of the biggest challenges to Modi’s government since coming to power in 2014. Growth framework In a speech lasting more than an hour, Modi also reiterated his government’s vow to help India achieve the status of a developed country in the next 20 years, announcing a seven-point growth and reform framework. The initiative would focus on manufacturing, agriculture, technology and defence, as well as India’s “soft power” through yoga, tourism and handicrafts. India, Asia’s third-largest economy, must “establish itself as a trusted global supply chain partner for the world”, Modi said of manufacturing. In the coming years, he said India will have eight more semiconductor chip plants and five nuclear reactors which will generate 100 gigawatts of power by 2047. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi (2L) waves to the members of National Cadet Corps (NCC) after addressing the nation at the Red Fort during the celebrations to mark country’s Independence Day in New Delhi on August 15, 2026. —AFP Last year, the government allowed private firms to build and operate atomic power projects, underlining a push for alternative energy. Modi said young people stood to gain the most from his vision for development. “The youth have a big role to play in the journey towards a developed India… the greatest beneficiary of a developed India is the youth of the country.”

Greetings to President of India Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi

Vladimir Putin sent a message of greetings to President of India Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi on the occasion of India’s national holiday, Independence Day. The message reads, in part: “Your country is making remarkable progress in the economic, social, scientific and technological spheres, and rightfully commands considerable authority in the international arena. Russia-India relations are developing successfully in the spirit of a particularly privileged strategic partnership. Moscow and New Delhi are engaged in fruitful cooperation across a wide range of areas and coordinate closely within the framework of the United Nations, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, BRICS, and other multilateral institutions. I am confident that, through our joint efforts, we will continue to comprehensively strengthen the constructive Russia-India partnership for the benefit of our friendly peoples and in the interests of enhancing international security and stability.”

Indian firm to make fighter jet engines with Rolls-Royce

India’s Reliance Industries and Britain’s Rolls-Royce announced on Friday plans to jointly design and manufacture engines for New Delhi’s multirole indigenous fighter jet programme. Reliance Industries Limited, India’s largest private sector company, has been expanding into defence production in military aerospace and advanced munitions to support Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Make in India’ initiative. India, one of the world’s largest arms importers, has made the modernisation of its defence forces a top priority, with repeated pushes to boost domestic production. Rolls-Royce builds engines for commercial use by the world’s biggest aircraft manufacturers Airbus and Boeing, as well as for fighter jets. The pair of industry giants issued a joint statement announcing “their strategic intent to partner and offer capabilities for the design, development, manufacturing and delivery of a sovereign indigenous combat engine for India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) programme”. The statement did not reveal the scale of investment the two companies will make for the partnership. The AMCA is India’s flagship fifth-generation stealth multirole fighter jet, developed locally for its air force. The partnership “marks a major milestone towards building a robust, self-reliant aerospace ecosystem in the country,” the statement quoted Rolls-Royce Chief Executive Tufan Erginbilgic as saying. “Together, we aim to build an enduring national capability that can make India self-reliant and, over time, globally competitive in advanced propulsion technologies,” said Reliance Executive Director Anant Ambani. Under Modi, India has prioritised modernisation of its military “driven by a self-reliant and future-ready defence sector”, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh told soldiers on Friday on the eve of the country’s 80th independence day. Last month, India approved the purchase of a range of military equipment worth $5.46 billion, including missiles, electronic warfare systems and kamikaze drones. New Delhi, over the last decade, has sought to reduce its dependence on Russia, its traditional main supplier of military equipment, turning to other countries like the United States and France, as well as boosting domestic production. India is also rapidly modernising its navy with domestic production of ships and submarines. A four-day conflict with Pakistan last year highlighted the need for Delhi to upgrade its defence capabilities. Earlier this year, New Delhi approved the purchase of $39 billion worth of defence equipment, including Rafale jets from France. India’s current defence budget is $85 billion.

Emails reveal Indian carmakers' fuel contamination worries before public retreat

Hours after India made public assurances last week that its ethanol-blended petrol was safe, the country’s main auto lobby withdrew a complaint about fuel contamination it had sent to the government a week earlier. The group said some figures needed more checks. But separate communications between industry executives, reviewed by Reuters, showed that in the preceding days, top automakers Maruti Suzuki, Tata Motors and Mahindra discussed their concerns about contamination of petrol blended with 20 per cent ethanol, called E20. Their data compiled the most comprehensive fuel testing done by the industry since Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government started rolling out E20 nationwide from last year to help curb pollution and cut oil imports. With no other petrol available since April 1, consumer concerns have grown about the impact on vehicle performance. The carmakers’ emails show for the first time how they are privately worried about contaminants in E20, like chloride and moisture, which they say are hurting vehicles, even as they publicly back the government’s rollout of the fuel. The Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers (SIAM) withdrew its July 28 letter on fuel contamination after a government and public uproar over the warning, saying “some numbers” need “authentication”. The previously unreported industry data and emails reviewed by Reuters show “multiple” automakers had already conducted extensive tests by collecting over 250 fuel samples from pumps over a year from as many as 21 of India’s 36 states and territories. They found high chloride contamination in many of the samples in 18 states, as well as high moisture content. The executives’ emails raised no concern about data authentication. Asked for comment on the private emails, SIAM told Reuters the data was intended only for internal circulation, discussion and validation, and collected by “very few” automakers. Maruti, Tata and Mahindra, who were part of the SIAM internal emails seen by Reuters, account for 67pc of India’s car market. As “the testing basis and sample size were insufficient to support definitive conclusions, the communication was withdrawn” as it was sent inadvertently, SIAM said, adding it intends to undertake a proper scientific study. The Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas did not respond to requests for comment. Its minister, Hardeep Singh Puri, said on Friday that two weeks prior to receiving the letter from SIAM, India’s oil marketing companies had begun “rigorous testing” of fuel at retail outlets to check for contamination. Only four cases of contamination were found, he said. State-run fuel retailers also said last week that extensive random and scientific tests showed “no cause for any alarm on account of fuel contamination”. Mahindra said conclusions drawn from its executive’s emails “are completely baseless and incorrect”, industry data is limited and preliminary, and it does not see issues with E20. Maruti and Tata did not respond to requests for comment. Auto industry met government to flag Chloride concerns E20 has angered motorists, with hundreds alleging it has reduced mileage and increased wear and tear on their cars, and triggered at least one court challenge. SIAM had earlier said high levels of chloride are corrosive for auto parts, while high moisture levels in fuel can immobilise a vehicle immediately after fuelling. In the group emails exchanged among Maruti, Tata, Mahindra and SIAM, Maruti’s senior executive Anoop Bhat raised concerns on the high chloride findings, saying this had been privately discussed with the petroleum ministry on July 26. The tabulated state-wide findings shared by the industry on group emails showed they recorded chloride levels of 6 to 570 parts per million (ppm) in Rajasthan state, 1.4 to 420 ppm in the capital New Delhi and 10 to 357 ppm in Maharashtra. The Indian government says the permissible limit is 3 ppm. The data tables also showed moisture levels reaching 13,000 ppm in Andhra Pradesh and 12,500 ppm in Uttar Pradesh, versus a permissible government benchmark of 3,000 ppm. While the reason for contamination is not known, SIAM said in its now-withdrawn letter it had seen an increase in chloride levels since the rollout of E20 and has requested the government to direct oil marketing companies to find the root cause. For moisture, the SIAM letter noted, the cause could be inadequate “maintenance of the underground storage tanks and pipelines at retail outlets”. Maruti’s Bhat wrote in his July 26 email that 1 ppm of chloride was the maximum that current fuel injectors, which transport fuel to the engine, “can tolerate”. “Lesser than 1 ppm in E20 is also in line with international standards. Same is in line with discussion held with” the petroleum ministry, Bhat wrote. Mahindra’s senior principal engineer of fluids technology, R. Ramaprabhu, said in emails that organic chloride is the contaminant responsible for the very rapid vehicle failures the industry is seeing and can spoil engines “within 200km”. “Majority cases reported immediately after fuelling … is due to organic chloride,” he wrote, adding that Mahindra has “strong evidences” of fuel sample data from retail outlets. Mahindra’s Ramaprabhu and Maruti’s Bhat did not respond to Reuters’ queries.

What happened to Modi’s $5 trillion economy promise?

The India Fix: A newsletter on Indian politics from Scroll.

New regional security order

THE triangular defence pact signed last week by Turkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is the most consequential geopolitical development reshaping the strategic landscape of the region and beyond. It has been concluded in the midst of a war that not only affects the region but also has far-reaching implications for the wider world. The three countries span the Middle East, South Asia and Europe. Despite facing diverse security challenges, they are bound together by a common defence pact. While Saudi Arabia and Pakistan were already bound by a bilateral agreement signed last year, Turkiye’s entry has broadened the scope of the pact. The collective strength of these three countries has made the grouping a formidable force in the region. Although the full text of the Makkah Joint De­­fence Agreement has not been made public, it do­­es declare that “any armed attack against any one of the three states shall be regarded as an atta­­ck against them all”. It also states that the pact is not directed against any country but serv­­es as a deterrent against external aggression. It is, however, silent on the question of where the common threat lies. This question becomes all the more pertinent as the triangular agreement has taken shape while America’s war on Iran drags on and Israel continues its expansionist war, threatening regional security. While Saudi Arabia has been directly affected by the war, Pakistan and Turkiye have remained on the fringes. The Makkah Agreement is being viewed as similar to Nato’s Article 5, but any military response would still require political decision-making. The immediate practical emphasis may be on intelligence-sharing and deterrence. It is wrong to brand the newly formed defence bloc a Muslim alliance or, more narrowly, a Sunni one. It represents an emerging regional security architecture that reduces dependence on the US and pushes back against Israel’s expansionist agenda. Other Gulf countries — which have borne the brunt of Iran’s retaliation targeting US military bases on their soil — could also join the grouping. The Makkah Agreement has fundamentally altered the strategic landscape of the region. Questions have been raised about the reliability of the US as a defence guarantor for its Middle Eastern partners. Instead of ensuring security, the presence of US military bases has made these countries — many of which also have security pacts with Washington — more vulnerable. Lessening this dependence, however, does not mean severing ties with America. All three countries maintain good relations with Washington, despite President Donald Tru­mp having destabilised the region through his unprovoked war on Iran and his continued support for Israel’s expansionist agenda. There has been a curious silence in Washington over the alliance. Egypt was another country expected to join the grouping. The North African country has been part of a quad alongside these three allied nations, helping to find a negotiated resolution to the conflict. Cairo is believed to have reservations, however, about joining a regional security architecture that could affect its peace treaty with Israel. According to some analysts, Cairo appears to view the pact as much a political instrument as a military one. The group remains hopeful that Egypt will join the defence pact at some stage. Further complicating matters is Iran’s mixed reaction to the agreement. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi posted a message calling on Muslim states to stand together, describing the moment as one in which they should rely only on themselves and embrace true brotherhood. The post left it unclear whether he was referring to the trilateral agreement. Earlier, Araghchi is also reported to have said that Tehran was ready to partner with Persian Gulf states to build a new regional security architecture, arguing that recent events had demonstrated the need for regional countries to take responsibility for their own security. He said any security framework should include economic cooperation and stressed that military powers from outside the region should be excluded. Meanwhile, Ebrahim Rezaei, a member of parliament’s national security committee, said that the “Saudis should understand that a paper agreement with Turkiye and Pakistan will not bring them security, just as decades of one-sided dependence on the Americans failed to do so”, thus reflecting the scepticism over the agreement among certain sections of the Iranian leadership. However, as reported, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesman said that “the pact reflected a changing regional perception of US and argued that countries in the region could no longer rely on Washington”. Predictably, the Makkah Agreement has provoked a strong reaction from Israel’s right-wing government, which views the development as a serious threat to its security. India has concerns over the triangular agreement, of which Pakistan is a key partner. According to some reports, the pact has accelerated the India-Israel security partnership. On Aug 7, the day the trilateral agreement was signed, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu discussed the Special Strategic Partnership between their two countries in a telephone call. The two countries had formally elevated ties to a Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation & Prosperity during Modi’s state visit to Israel this year. That visit produced concrete defence and technology agreements. According to the Israeli media, both leaders recognised that they now face a shared strategic challenge: a bloc combining Saudi money, Turkish drones and a nuclear-armed Pakistan. The Makkah Agreement has fundamentally altered the strategic landscape of the region. But there are also questions about how the partnership will actually work, given the varied security concerns of its members. While agreeing to a joint defence strategy, each country also brings its own conflicts and security problems. That raises the question of whether the partners would be drawn into one another’s conflicts. While Pakistan’s principal security threat comes from India, Turkiye, a Nato member, has long-running territorial disputes with Greece in the Aegean Sea. There is also a view that, in practice, the pact is more about Saudi Arabia’s immediate security concerns stemming from regional non-state groups than Turkiye’s or Pakistan’s. These are issues that will require a more coherent collective response. For all the questions it raises, the Makkah Agreement marks a decisive shift in how the region’s major powers conceive their own security. The writer is an author and journalist. zhussain100@yahoo.com X: @hidhussain Published in Dawn, August 12th, 2026

The tipping point of change

DISCUSSIONS are happening about how so many of the young protesters that rocked the Modi government recently came from families that have been faithfully voting for the right-wing prime minister. A crucial fact that seems to elude the discussants is that liberal or communist or fascist ideologues are not hatched in hatcheries. Unlike Narendra Modi, they are not ‘non-biological’ beings that gatecrash our earthly world. To begin with, it would be useful to bear in mind that the jailed left-wing student leader Umar Khalid had transcended to secular left politics from circumstances in which his father was a member of a major Muslim revivalist body. Likewise, Neha Bora, president of the pro-communist All-India Students’ Association who fasted for 23 days at the protest, tells you sans demur that she broke away from a family tradition of voting for the Muslim-baiting BJP. The flow can be in the opposite direction too. Howard Fast, as the despairing chief of the US Communist Party, famed for writing the story of Spartacus, the slave rebel of Rome, became a Buddhist seeker after abandoning Marxism. Numerous such examples abound in the Indian intellectual pantheon of progressivism and regression, which we can discuss. A scene is vivid from my childhood in which the migration to progressive politics would seem facile despite the good intentions. It was a balmy morning in Mustafabad, a village of erstwhile Shia taluqdars in the heart of Uttar Pradesh. Some young men and women in the joint family had recently got the first university degrees. Marxism was in the air in university campuses in the 1960s. That morning the tea was of just the right temperature, its bouquet flavourful. Three bespectacled young men from among the learned ones were steeped in a discussion that straddled Marx, Nehru, Josh and Neruda. The men were wrapped in embroidered woollen shawls over spotless white muslin kurta-pajama attires when the mehtrani, the woman carrying human refuse in an open reed basket, walked past. Other than putting the handkerchiefs on their faces briefly, the men remained unabashedly unperturbed in their intellectual chatter. A follower of Dalit politics would have reacted differently to the brutal absurdness of the frame. Indian communists added B.R. Ambedkar and the sickening caste angle to their class analysis grudgingly, only recently harnessing it to the dialectical quiver. These early activists had the theory but not the praxis, which would take years to arrive, or perhaps not. It’s not clear that most of the youth who defied the fierce police assault the other day had, in fact, crossed the tipping point from their social reality. Thus, it’s not even clear that most of the youth who defied the fierce police assault the other day to scare the hell out of a stubborn authoritarian government had, in fact, crossed the tipping point from their social reality. A Buddhist would call the migration nirvana — the blowing out of greed, hatred and ignorance. Collectively, the youth displayed a healthy mix of all three characteristics. When and if they reassemble it could be a different variety of mix. Arvind Kejriwal had held out a similar promise when his Aam Aadmi Party stop­ped the Hindutva juggernaut in Delhi in 2015. The ‘Modi wave’ had taken care of Maharashtra and Haryana state polls in quick succession. Kejriwal stopped the BJP chariot in Delhi. Then something equally important occurred. He rejected the offer of support from the Shahi Imam of Jama Masjid, and people were emboldened to believe that the time had come to separate religion from politics as the constitution ordains. Then in a crude display of regressive religiosity, he started holding election campaigns from Hindu temples and wooed senior voters with offers of free Hindu pilgrimages. One doesn’t have to agree with T.S. Eliot who says: “Youth is cruel and has no remorse. And smiles at situations it cannot see.” But youth is a handy demographic factor with an uncertain political trajectory. Not long ago, taking on the same Modi establishment, a courageous woman had single-handedly instigated the downfall of Modi’s minister accused of sexual transgressions. But the same charges failed to secure the conviction of a BJP muscleman. However, there again is the unforgettable instance of determined and seasoned farmers who forced the cancellation of Modi’s prized anti-farm laws. It is heartening to remember, therefore, that the Cockroach leaders have committed themselves to deter violations of citizen’s voting rights by a wayward election commission. The youth are committed to take on the hopelessly compromised corporate media that misreported the protests. Keeping company in the progressive transition of Khalid and Bora are some very eminent intellectuals of the subcontinent. Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s path from traditional Islamic education to becoming one of South Asia’s most iconic Marxist intellectuals highlights a fascinating evolution. Majro­­oh Sultanpuri was destined to become a hakim, for which he had acquired a degree. Then he turned towards left politics and endured isolation and even jail for his beliefs. I recently saw lovely pictures of Faiz’s daughters on a holiday in Sri Lanka. Had DPT been around, they would have in all likelihood been in India for he had the magic of fixing visas for all manner of progressive Pakis­tanis. Devi Prasad Tripathi came to JNU from the RSS stable. He became a staunch member of the Communist Party of India-Marxist and won the election as student union president when he was arrested and jailed during the emergency. Many political stalwarts left the RSS to become leftists and are leading critics of the Modi establishment. Kaifi Azmi became a progressive writer after early inspiration from the valour of Imam Husain. And, Iran has shown that a just battle can harness religious motifs to thwart a powerful aggressor. “Dekhna Kaifi nishan-i-hurriyat lahraega/ Jab jahan ko azm-i-Sher-i-Karbala mil jayaega” (‘Watch, O Kaifi, the banner of freedom shall flutter high/ Once the world finds the Lion of Karbala and joins his battle cry’). Kaifi’s pre-Marxist verses presaged the retreat of imperialism not far from the site of the students’ protest. And Iran’s left? They’re cohabiting with imperialism. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com Published in Dawn, August 11th, 2026

Peshawar High Court grants transit bail to Noreen Niazi in Peca case

PESHAWAR: The Peshawar High Court (PHC) on Monday granted transit bail to Noreen Niazi, the sister of incarcerated PTI founder Imran Khan, in a case registered under the Peca Act 2026, directing her to appear before the relevant Islamabad court on or before August 20. In July, the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA) registered a case against Noreen, accusing her of passing derogatory and inflammatory remarks against state institutions during a podcast interview and in subsequent clips shared on X. A single-member PHC bench comprising Justice Arshad Ali heard Noreen’s petition, represented by a panel of lawyers, including Ali Zaman, Amir Zeb and Barrister Sarwar Muzaffar Shah In its order issued on Monday, the bench stated that the petitioner had approached the court seeking transit bail in connection with a first information report (FIR) registered against her at the NCCIA police station in Islamabad on July 27 under various provisions of the Peca Act 2016 and the Pakistan Penal Code, enabling her to approach the competent court. The order noted that the petitioner had claimed to have been falsely implicated in the case and that, except for the bare allegations contained in the FIR, there was no other cogent evidence on record to connect her with the alleged offence. “In the circumstances of the case, the petitioner’s request, being reasonable, merits consideration,” the order noted, adding that “consequently this application is accepted and the accused petitioner is granted ad-interim transit pre-arrest bail provided she furnishes bail bonds in the sum of Rs80,000 with two sureties,” it said. The bench also directed the petitioner to approach the competent forum in Islamabad for bail on or before August 20, as the PHC order would be effective till that day. Meanwhile, the counsels for the petitioner argued that their client was innocent and falsely implicated in the case registered at the NCCIA police station. They said the local police were trying to arrest their client with mala fide intentions, to humiliate and unjustly harass her for some ulterior motive. The counsels also said the allegations contained in the FIR were false and politically motivated, and were based on an erroneous interpretation of statements allegedly attributed to their client. Talking to reporters after the hearing, Noreen said she came to know about the NCCIA case against her after arriving in Peshawar. “I did speak inside in my house, which I do not have recollection of, and someone got that to them and they made a case against me,” she claimed. Noreen further alleged that cases had been lodged against her other sisters and that now one had been registered against her as well. “Too many cases are being registered across Pakistan, and no one knows why they have been lodged. The case against me is the same,” she said. In response to a question, she said they had never been to Peshawar, so the question of their interfering in KP affairs did not even arise. Earlier, the Lahore High Court had also granted her an interim protective bail, directing her to approach a relevant Islamabad court. Before registering an FIR, the NCCIA had summoned Noreen to appear before it on July 20 over allegations of disseminating “false, offensive and inflammatory” content against state institutions. While the notice did not specify the content in relation to which Noreen has been summoned, it was issued after the clip of her making claims in relation to last year’s brief military conflict between Pakistan and India was widely shared on social media. In the clip, she is seen alleging during an interview that the conflict was “orchestrated” to improve the image of Pakistan’s military. She claimed the “drama” was played out in collaboration with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, questioning why Modi would have refrained from further attacking Pakistan otherwise. In this connection, she went on to allege that the objective was to get Israel recognised by Pakistan, linking US President Donald Trump’s praise of Pakistan’s leadership with Israel’s recognition as well.

Indian students step up exam protests in Jharkhand, march towards state assembly

Indian students marched towards the state assembly in Jharkhand on Monday, escalating protests over alleged irregularities in government recruitment examinations, with several students also on hunger strike. Protests in Ranchi, capital of the eastern state home to more than 33 million people, began on July 29, days after a youth-led “cockroach” movement in New Delhi forced the resignation of the national education minister. At least six protesters are on hunger strike, including student leader Devendra Nath Mahto, 33, who has been fasting for more than a week. “We want the whole system to change,” Mahto said, as quoted by Indian media, demanding an end to the use of a private company that conducts tests for state civil service. On Monday, hundreds of police guarded the assembly behind barbed-wire barricades, after repeated talks between the protesters and the state government failed to reach an agreement. Large crowds of students chanting slogans marched towards the state assembly. The protesters are demanding the cancellation of several examinations conducted by a private company on behalf of the state government, as well as an investigation by federal police into their conduct. Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren has sought to defuse the protests by accepting some demands, while several members of the civil service body overseeing the examinations have stepped down. “Every problem can be resolved through dialogue,” Soren said in a speech on Sunday. The New Delhi protesters, organised by the online Cockroach Janta Party, rallied for 36 days over alleged failures in India’s examination system, before the then education minister Dharmendra Pradhan stepped down —giving the movement an unusual victory and turning examination integrity into a major political issue. The Jharkhand protests echo those demands, reflecting wider frustration among young Indians who see government examinations as a key route to employment in a country where millions compete for limited public-sector jobs. The New Delhi protests challenged Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), but the Jharkhand rallies are demanding change from the state government, which stands in opposition to the BJP.

India's 'cockroach' protest movement keeps heat on Modi

Two weeks after youth-led protests forced India’s education minister to resign, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government is grappling with the fallout from one of its toughest political challenges in years. Led by the online Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), the demonstrations spread from New Delhi to other cities, broadening from anger over exam irregularities into a wider movement over unemployment, opportunities for young people and what critics describe as Modi’s increasingly authoritarian rule. While demonstrations are largely over after achieving key demands, AFP looks at what the protests revealed — and what could come next. Modi under pressure The resignation of the education minister on July 25 marked a rare climbdown for a prime minister who has spent more than a decade cultivating an image of unwavering resolve. The authorities have since attempted to woo the youth, and parliament has hiked penalties for leaking exam papers. Police have withdrawn cases against protestors in several cities after criticism over the excessive use of force. The protests also exposed a rapidly changing digital landscape, with protesters using social media to spread their message. Modi, a keen user of X, has turned to Instagram — issuing his first vertical videos to tap into the youth medium of choice. Surveillance crackdown The protests exposed how authorities are using AI-powered camera technology to monitor and identify demonstrators. Many women say they have been receiving rape threats and abusive messages online after their videos during the demonstrations went viral. Internet shutdown around the main protest site in New Delhi disrupted communication, forcing youngsters to find new ways to stay in touch. India ranked second worldwide in internet shutdowns last year, according to Access Now monitor, including localised blackouts during protests, conflict and communal violence. Issues beyond exams Exam leaks were the spark, but the anger quickly spread to deeper frustrations among young Indians over jobs, economic opportunities and a lack of faith in institutions. For many protesters, the prospect of uncertain employment after years of study and highly competitive examinations has become a symbol of a wider struggle for economic security. That gives the movement a potential staying power beyond the original dispute. Even if the government addresses exam cheating, it cannot easily resolve the broader grievances that brought young people onto the streets. ‘Cockroach’ influence The protests have left behind a youth movement with millions of followers online, but that does not guarantee lasting political influence. The CJP has said it will organise a “nationwide listening tour” to hear the concerns of young Indians, while continuing to back protests over exam irregularities. Demonstrations are still taking place in the eastern state of Jharkhand, suggesting the anger that fuelled the protests that began in the capital has not disappeared. CJP founder, Abhijeet Dipke, has called for “a public movement to restore trust and neutrality in public institutions”. “The public has become very frustrated and tired of these things. That is why our movement got such massive support,” he said. But “for now, the CJP will function as a pressure group”, Dipke added, rather than a political party. Youth vote The protests could force India’s political parties to focus on the needs and demands of young voters. Young Indians make up a huge potential electoral constituency, but turning protest energy into votes is another matter. With nearly three years to go before the next national polls, both Modi’s ruling party and the opposition may try and harness the anger and frustration expressed by young people for electoral gain.

Hükümetin geri adımı yetmedi. Hindistan'da protestolar yayılıyor

Hindistan'da sınavlardaki usulsüzlüklere tepkiyle Yeni Delhi'de başlayan gösteriler başka kentlere yayıldı; işsizlik, gençlerin önündeki imkanlar ve Modi'nin giderek otoriterleşen yönetimi de hareketin gündemine girdi. Gençlerin öncülük ettiği protestoların Hindistan Eğitim Bakanı'nı istifaya zorlamasının üzerinden iki hafta geçerken, Başbakan Narendra Modi hükümeti son yıllardaki en zorlu siyasi sınamalarından birinin sonuçlarıyla uğraşıyor. Çevrim içi Cockroach Janta Partisi'nin (CJP) öncülük ettiği gösteriler Yeni Delhi'den başka kentlere yayıldı. Başlangıçta sınavlardaki usulsüzlüklere duyulan öfkeyle başlayan protestolar, zamanla işsizlik, gençlerin önündeki imkanlar ve Modi'nin giderek otoriterleşen yönetimine tepkileri de kapsayan daha geniş bir harekete dönüştü. Gösteriler temel taleplerin karşılanmasının ardından büyük ölçüde sona ermiş olsa da protestoların ortaya çıkardığı meseleler ve bundan sonra yaşanabilecekler gündemdeki yerini koruyor. Eğitim bakanının 25 Temmuz'daki istifası, on yılı aşkın süredir taviz vermeyen bir kararlılık görüntüsü oluşturan Modi açısından ender görülen bir geri adım oldu. Yetkililer daha sonra gençlerin desteğini kazanmaya yönelik girişimlerde bulundu. Parlamento da sınav sorularının sızdırılmasına ilişkin cezaları artırdı. Polis, göstericilere aşırı güç kullanıldığı yönündeki eleştirilerin ardından çeşitli kentlerde protestocular hakkında açılan davaları geri çekti. PROTESOLAR DİJİTAL ALANDAKİ DEĞİŞİMİ GÖRÜNÜR KILDI Gösteriler, Hindistan'da hızla değişen dijital ortamı da ortaya koydu. Protestocular mesajlarını yaymak için sosyal medyadan yararlandı. X'i (eski adıyla Twitter) etkin biçimde kullanan Modi ise gençlerin tercih ettiği mecraya ulaşmak amacıyla Instagram'a yöneldi ve ilk dikey videolarını yayımladı. Protestolar aynı zamanda yetkililerin göstericileri izlemek ve kimliklerini belirlemek için yapay zeka destekli kamera teknolojisini nasıl kullandığını da gösterdi. Gösteriler sırasında çekilen videoları internette geniş kitlelere ulaşan birçok kadın, daha sonra çevrim içi ortamda tecavüz tehditleri ve hakaret içeren mesajlar aldıklarını söylüyor. Yeni Delhi'deki ana protesto alanının çevresinde internetin kesilmesi iletişimi aksattı ve gençleri irtibatı sürdürmenin yeni yollarını bulmaya zorladı. Access Now adlı izleme kuruluşuna göre Hindistan, geçen yıl internet kesintilerinde dünya genelinde ikinci sırada yer aldı. Bunlar arasında protestolar, çatışmalar ve topluluklar arası şiddet sırasında uygulanan yerel internet kesintileri de bulunuyordu. SINAV ÖFKESİ İŞ VE EKONOMİK GÜVENCE KAYGISINA YÖNELDİ Sınav sorularının sızdırılması protestoları ateşleyen unsur oldu, ancak öfke kısa sürede genç Hintlilerin iş, ekonomik imkanlar ve kurumlara duydukları güvenin azalmasına ilişkin daha derin hoşnutsuzluklarına yayıldı. Yıllarca eğitim gördükten ve son derece rekabetçi sınavlara girdikten sonra belirsiz bir istihdam ihtimaliyle karşı karşıya kalmak, birçok protestocu açısından ekonomik güvence mücadelesinin daha geniş bir simgesine dönüştü. Bu da hareketin başlangıçtaki anlaşmazlığın ötesinde varlığını sürdürme ihtimalini doğuruyor. Hükümet sınavlarda hile yapılması sorununu ele alsa bile gençleri sokağa çıkaran daha geniş çaplı şikayetleri kolaylıkla gideremeyebilir. Protestoların ardından internette milyonlarca takipçisi bulunan bir gençlik hareketi kaldı. Ancak bu, hareketin kalıcı siyasi nüfuza sahip olacağını garanti etmiyor. CJP, genç Hintlilerin kaygılarını dinlemek amacıyla "ülke çapında bir dinleme turu" düzenleyeceğini ve sınav usulsüzlüklerine karşı protestoları desteklemeyi sürdüreceğini açıkladı. Ülkenin doğusundaki Jharkhand'da gösterilerin halen devam etmesi, başkentte başlayan protestoları besleyen öfkenin ortadan kalkmadığına işaret ediyor. AFP'ye konuşan CJP'nin kurucusu Abhijeet Dipke, "kamu kurumlarına güveni ve tarafsızlığı yeniden tesis etmek için bir halk hareketi" çağrısında bulundu. Dipke, "Halk bu meselelerden büyük bir bıkkınlık ve bezginlik duyuyor. Hareketimizin böylesine büyük destek görmesinin sebebi de bu" dedi. Ancak CJP'nin siyasi partiye dönüşmeyeceğini belirten Dipke, "Şimdilik CJP bir baskı grubu olarak faaliyet gösterecek" diye ekledi. Protestolar, Hindistan'daki siyasi partileri genç seçmenlerin ihtiyaç ve taleplerine daha fazla odaklanmaya zorlayabilir. Genç Hintliler çok büyük bir potansiyel seçmen kitlesi oluşturuyor, ancak protestolarda ortaya çıkan enerjiyi sandıkta oya dönüştürmek ayrı bir mesele. Bir sonraki genel seçime yaklaşık üç yıl kala hem Modi'nin iktidardaki partisi hem de muhalefet, gençlerin dile getirdiği öfke ve hoşnutsuzluğu seçimlerde kendi lehlerine kullanmaya çalışabilir.

India's Modi turns to Instagram to woo young voters after Gen Z protest

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi took to Instagram recently with selfie-style videos shot after hours in a bid to win over young voters following Gen Z protests that highlighted growing frustration over a lack of job and education opportunities. From clips showing the prime minister in a biker jacket and sunglasses against a rap soundtrack, to others that borrow the theme song from the sitcom Friends to signal his dependability, the messaging of Modi’s party has pivoted towards the young. A vertically shot clip posted on July 31 featuring Modi uttering a casual greeting, “Hi, friends” was the latest in his digital charm offensive that aims to win over 400 million Gen Z voters ahead of general elections in 2029. “They are platforms where you broadcast a well-rehearsed and disciplined political message to millions of followers in a top-down manner,” said Delhi-based political columnist Asim Ali. The pivot to youth-focused social media follows protests last month that led to the resignation of the education minister after tens of thousands of students and job seekers took to the streets. The outcry was triggered by a leaked examination paper in a country where such tests are seen as opening the gates to professional careers and eventual financial security. Ministers, government departments issue clips Modi’s videos have spurred cabinet ministers and government departments to issue a stream of short, lightly edited clips online over the past 10 days, with the foreign ministry becoming the latest on Thursday, saying it will take to Snapchat. Since sweeping to power in 2014, Modi has been credited with transforming political communication in India, using digital platforms to build a direct connection with voters. Analysts say his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) also developed a highly effective communications network across television news channels and social media platforms such as WhatsApp and X. But platforms such as Instagram reward spontaneity, humour and authenticity over tightly scripted messaging, said Ali. That is where the protesters scored, amplifying their message with Instagram reels and short videos that challenged Modi’s carefully cultivated image of political invincibility and his government’s command of the public narrative. The BJP’s earlier digital outreach felt too manicured to attract young audiences who preferred raw and unedited content instead, other analysts said. “Content that feels too carefully curated, where the words are measured, the look is staid and the background feels staged, is less likely to be appealing,” said Joyojeet Pal, a professor at Michigan University’s information school. Eye on 2029 general election Experts say the BJP’s renewed outreach reflects the growing political importance of younger voters. More than half of India’s population of 1.4 billion consists of those younger than 35, and Gen Z is expected to form one of the largest voting blocs by the time the general election is held in 2029, which could give Modi a fourth term in office. Amit Malviya, the BJP’s social media chief, declined to comment and queries sent to four national party spokespersons went unanswered. The party is also stepping up efforts beyond social media, with plans for an address on Thursday to about 2,000 students in the financial capital of Mumbai by Mohan Bhagwat, the chief of its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). That represents one of the parent group’s biggest efforts to engage with the Gen Z young. At a cabinet meeting after the protests, Modi urged ministers to be more active on platforms popular with the young and make sure their videos appeared less polished. “Earlier, there were a lot more static posts tailored to X or Facebook,” said a member of the communications team of a BJP minister, speaking on condition of anonymity. “But now the ask is for more reels, preferably with minimal editing and some rawness.” Posters of Gen Z pledges Posters proclaiming “I am Gen Z” have sprung up across Mumbai, bearing pledges attributed to Gen Z, from promises to respect the police, the army and Modi, as well as support students. It is unclear if the strategy will succeed, however. “The internet has its own language and culture,” said author and podcaster Anurag Minus Verma. “Serious political messaging, packaged as reels, can still be trolled. There will be more focus on Instagram, but it remains to be seen if Gen Z buys into that.”

Google'ın 15 milyar dolarlık dev projesine tepki büyük

Google'ın Hindistan'daki en büyük yatırımı olacak veri merkezi, su kaynaklarına ve yaban hayatına zarar vereceğinden endişelenen protestocuların hedefi haline geldi. Google'ın Hindistan'da planladığı veri merkezi inşaatı tüm hızıyla devam ediyor. Şantiyenin üzerindeki yamaç kırmızı toprağa kadar temizlenip basamaklar halinde teraslanıyor, ancak çevrecilerden gelen artan muhalefet baskısı, ABD'li teknoloji devinin 15 milyar dolarlık projesi için engel teşkil ediyor. Hindistan Başbakanı Narendra Modi'nin bir müttefiki tarafından yönetilen güneydeki Andhra Pradesh eyaleti, tarihi ve dönüştürücü olarak nitelediği projenin, su kaynaklarına ve yaban hayatına yönelik risklerin dikkate alınmadan hızlandırıldığı iddialarını reddetti. Ancak giderek artan muhalefet baskısı, su kaynakları üzerindeki etkisi ve leoparlar ile pangolinlere ev sahipliği yapan bir vahşi yaşam koruma alanına yakınlığı nedeniyle çeşitli yasal zorluklarla karşı karşıya olan Google'ın bugüne kadarki Hindistan'daki en büyük yatırımı için erken bir sınav haline gelebilir. PROTESTOLAR DEVAM EDİYOR Son haftalarda aktivistler ve çocuklar Visakhapatnam şehrinde, Google logosuna kelepçe çizdikleri ve "Veriyi içemeyiz" yazılı sloganlarla donattıkları pankartları taşıyarak düzenledikleri yürüyüşleri sosyal medya gönderilerinde paylaştılar. Pazar günü, aktivistlerin önümüzdeki günlerde kapı kapı dolaşarak farkındalık kampanyaları yürütme ve plaj protestoları gerçekleştirme planlarını belirledikleri bir halk toplantısı düzenlendi. Kâr amacı gütmeyen Green Visakha kuruluşunun kurucusu Raja Rama Mohan Roy, Visakhapatnam'ın su arzı ve talebiyle ilgili istatistikleri sunduğu etkinlikte, "Kalkınma, insanların geçim kaynakları pahasına olmamalı" diye belirtti. Hindistan hükümeti, şehrin rezervuarlarından ve nehirlerinden günde 410 milyon litre su aldığını, oysa ihtiyacının 480 milyon litre olduğunu belirtiyor. 2,5 milyon nüfuslu şehirde su teminindeki kısıtlamalar yaygın görülen bir uygulama. Hızlı veri merkezi kurulumları, sunucuları soğutmak için büyük miktarda su ve elektrik kullanılması nedeniyle dünya çapında tepkilerle karşılaşıyor. Bu durumun potansiyel etkisi, Hindistan gibi gelişmekte olan bir ülkede daha da belirgin. ABD'de ise muhalifler Temmuz ayında 42 eyalette 142 protesto düzenleyerek benzer endişeleri dile getirdi. DEVLET PROJEYİ SAVUNMAYA KARARLI Eyaletin en yüksek mahkemesi Pazartesi günü hükümetten, projenin yakındaki bir rezervuara baskı uygulayarak su kaynaklarını zorlayacağı yönündeki iddialara karşı savunma yapmasını istedi. Bu iddialar, aktivist grup Jal Biradari (Su Topluluğu) tarafından dile getirilmişti. Andhra Pradesh Yüksek Mahkemesi, kamu yararına açılan davayı bir sonraki duruşmada 24 Ağustos'ta ele alacak. Devlet, Reuters'e yaptığı açıklamada, aktivistlerin proje hakkındaki endişelerinin yanlış ve yanıltıcı olduğunu belirtti ancak geri bildirimlere açık olduğunu da ekledi. Açıklamada, "Bu tür protestolar onların demokratik hakkıdır. Bu iddialardan herhangi birinin meşru olması durumunda, hükümet konuya ilişkin gerçekleri ortaya koymaya ve uygun çözüm yolları sunmaya kararlıdır" denildi. Google, Reuters'e yaptığı açıklamada, projesinin ilgili yasalara uygun olarak geliştirileceğini ve hayati önem taşıyan yerel su kaynaklarını korumak için gelişmiş hava soğutma teknolojisi uygulayacağını belirtti. Teknoloji devi, 188 bine kadar iş imkanı yaratması beklenen bu önemli projeyi inşa edecek olan Hintli milyarder Gautam Adani'nin grubuyla ortaklık kurdu. Adani, sorulara herhangi bir yanıt vermedi. YABAN HAYATI VE GÜRÜLTÜ KİRLİLİĞİ Andhra Pradesh Yüksek Mahkemesi'ndeki kamu yararına açılan davada, yoğun inşaat faaliyetlerinin ve gürültünün sadece 860 metre uzaklıkta bulunan Kambalakonda'daki Yaban Hayatı Koruma Alanı'nı etkilediği endişesi de dile getiriliyor. Sitenin koruma alanına yakınlığı sorulduğunda, eyalet yetkilileri yasanın gerektirdiğinden daha uzakta olduğunu belirtti. Google ayrıca, "sessiz ve göze batmayan bir komşu olmak" için ses yalıtım önlemleri uygulayacağını da ekledi. Proje ayrıca, İnsan Hakları Forumu tarafından Hindistan çevre mahkemesinde açılan ve durdurulmasını talep eden üç davayla daha karşı karşıya. Mahkeme belgelerine göre, davacılar devletin, kırsal bir içme suyu şebekesinden su çekmenin etkisini düzgün bir şekilde değerlendirmeden projeye onay verdiğini savunuyor. Devlet yetkilileri, kurulacak veri merkezleri için kırsal veya yerleşim alanlarında kullanılan suyun hiçbir şekilde kullanılmayacağını ve yakındaki su deposunun da kullanılma dahil edilmeyeceğini de ekledi. Pazar günü düzenlenen etkinlikte Green Visakha'nın kurucusu Raja Rama Mohan Roy, "Bu durumdan acı çekecek olanlar halktan başkası olmayacak" diyerek, şehrin zaten su sıkıntısı çektiği bir dönemde hükümetin projeye 20 yıl boyunca garantili su temini sözü vermesinden endişe duyduğunu belirtti.

India panel warns Meta over Modi video removal

An Indian parliamentary panel called on Wednesday for Meta chief Mark Zuckerberg to apologise for the temporary removal of a video of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India, the world’s most populous country, is Meta’s largest market by users, with hundreds of millions of people using Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp. Modi’s video, addressing students during youth-led protests on July 23, was briefly removed from Meta-owned Facebook and Instagram, but was later restored. Meta has said it was caused by technical error. Nishikant Dubey, who heads the parliamentary committee on communications and information technology, said the panel blamed Meta. “Deleting the prime minister’s video was not the work of an intermediary, but that of a publisher,” Dubey said, a lawmaker in Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). “Zuckerberg will have to apologise within three days.” Joel Kaplan, chief global affairs officer at Meta, said he met with India’s Information and Broadcasting Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw on Wednesday and apologised. “I apologised to the minister on behalf of Meta for the error restricting PM Modi’s post,” Kaplan said in a statement. India’s parliamentary standing committees scrutinise government policies and can summon officials and company executives to answer questions. However, they cannot themselves impose penalties, revoke legal protections or direct prosecutions. Any action against an online platform would have to be taken by the government or the courts under existing law. Dubey said that the committee had written to the interior and technology ministries demanding action. “If he does not apologise, then all the safe harbour protections that have been provided to his social media platforms should end,” Dubey told reporters. Modi posted the vertical video, speaking directly to the camera, on July 23 — during the height of protests led by the online Cockroach Janta Party movement. The demonstrations, which began in New Delhi, were sparked by anger over exam irregularities but grew into a wider movement over jobs, youth opportunities and what critics describe as Modi’s increasingly authoritarian rule. Modi, a keen user of X, turned to Instagram — issuing his first vertical videos to tap into the youth medium of choice. In the video, Modi assured students that the government would implement stricter laws and harsher punishments against paper leaks. Zuckerberg apologises to India government over Meta content and errors, local media says Zuckerberg has apologised to the Indian government over child sexual abuse material on the company’s platforms and for operational errors, local television channels reported on Wednesday. Zuckerberg apologised for the presence of the material, as well as deepfake content and operational lapses on Meta’s platforms, financial news publication Moneycontrol reported, citing sources. The publication added the apology was conveyed during a meeting between Meta executives and Indian government officials on Tuesday. Meta, whose major social media apps include Facebook and Instagram, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Why India's petrol shift has motorists fuming

India’s aggressive drive to expand ethanol-blended petrol is facing growing resistance, with a protest march on Tuesday demanding the government rethink its decision to make E20 fuel the national standard. Opposition leader Arvind Kejriwal marched towards Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s residence carrying petitions signed by more than 200,000 people, but was stopped by police before reaching his destination. India, the world’s third-largest auto market, says the biofuel move is helping curb dependence on imported crude and boost farm incomes. But motorists have voiced concerns over vehicle performance, and the government’s campaign has upset India’s vast middle class — a key voter base for Modi, who worry that they are being forced to shoulder the costs of the transition. AFP breaks down the speed bumps on India’s fuel blending road. What’s ethanol-blended petrol? E20, the fuel at the centre of the controversy, is essentially petrol mixed with 20 per cent ethanol — which is produced largely from sugarcane. India has flirted with the idea of biofuels for decades, primarily because it depends on other countries for over 80pc of its crude oil requirements. Over the last decade, Modi’s government has accelerated the biofuel programme, with ethanol blending going from less than 1.5pc in 2013-14 to 20pc in 2025-26. This has allowed India to save roughly $20 billion in foreign exchange since 2014-15 and boosted farmer incomes by $16.4bn in the same period, government figures show. Why are drivers concerned? Many motorists fear that the E20 petrol blend will harm engines and raise maintenance costs in vehicles designed for lower ethanol blends. A flurry of videos showcasing alleged damage to vehicle parts and drops in mileage have gone viral on social media in recent months. Political analyst Tehseen Poonawalla, who led a street protest against E20 last month, has accused the government of rushing the nationwide rollout while dismissing legitimate public concerns. The government has acknowledged that E20 could lead to a small dip in fuel efficiency — in the range of 3pc to 5pc — but has rejected allegations of engine damage. Junior Oil Minister Suresh Gopi told parliament last week that more than 200 million two-wheelers and 300m cars had operated on E20 without any “verified evidence of widespread engine failures or vehicle breakdowns”. The government has also cited manufacturer data over the last year to state that “no E20-linked corrosion, abnormal wear or reduction in component life” was reported, even in vehicles not originally designed for the blend. India’s road transport minister, Nitin Gadkari, has cited a study that suggested some older vehicles may require replacement of rubber components and gaskets, but argued such work could be “easily managed during routine servicing”. What are car companies saying? India’s auto industry has largely supported the government. Officials at Maruti Suzuki, the country’s largest car manufacturer, have said the company’s testing of E20 fuel on vehicles designed for E10 showed no areas of concern. And one of the biggest domestic producers of motorcycles, Hero MotoCorp, says its own service data showed no incidence of higher damage in vehicles running on E20 compared to older fuels. Some automakers have warned against misinformation. Toyota India said issues raised in a viral complaint were caused by fuel contamination and “not related to E20 fuel usage”. What next? Critics have asked the government to offer vehicle owners a choice between E10, E20 and unblended petrol without paying a premium. Despite opposition parties taking the fight to the streets, the government has shown little signs of relenting. In a statement last month, India’s oil ministry said that offering multiple options at the pump would be logistically difficult and costly. “Maintaining multiple grades of base petrol across this vast supply chain would create an enormous logistical challenge, increase handling costs, complicate inventory management and reduce operational efficiency,” it said.

Over-interpreting the youth

COCKROACH Janta Party founder Abhijeet Dipke revealed a crucial fact about himself to Newslaundry’s Manisha Pande. He said he had seen Shahrukh Khan’s 2002 movie Swades (‘My country’) many times over since he was a child and he finds it inspirational. So, I too switched on YouTube and saw it to the extent one could. The story is about an Indian engineer at Nasa who misses home and goes on a visit to meet the lady who raised him upon his parents’ death in a car accident. The journey takes him to a village facing chronic power outages and where he also meets Kaveri Amma’s pretty ward Gita who is struggling to run a village school. So, the hero, while living out of a caravan trailer, builds a water reservoir from a tiny stream seeping from a rocky slope to ply a turbine he has assembled. The villagers get their steady power, leaving the hero to canvass support for the underprivileged children to join the struggling school. They do so by defying entrenched caste- and poverty-related odds. The turbine event comes across as a band-aid for a country that has handed early dreams of affordable and universal healthcare to private buccaneers. The state-run National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) where corruption is rampant — which triggered Dipke’s Cockroach campaign — produces 137,000 doctors against 20 million applicants. Many who succeed go abroad to follow their dreams. The phenomenon was seen as brain drain during the early years of India’s independence and there’s a news clip of Nehru on a US visit urging Indian professionals there to return home. Dipke may have picked up the cue, but many others have returned to India over the years to work for the country’s progress. The US-born human rights lawyer Sudha Bharadwaj was jailed for working among Chhattisgarh’s tribespeople to empower them with legal advice and moral support. Bharadwaj, currently out on stiff bail conditions, exchanged her American passport for Indian citizenship. She was arrested along with several young activists in 2020 for the crime of organising the Dalits and tribespeople to challenge the injustices they endured with the state’s connivance. Rev Stan Swamy was an Indian Jesuit priest and tribal rights activist, the oldest person to be accused of terrorism in India. He died in a Mumbai prison at 83, a year after his arrest. Dipke’s movement faces inevitable challenges ahead. Ground-breaking political changes are seldom if ever a clean shot. Dipke may have seen Richard Attenborough’s award-winning movie Gandhi. Did he notice that B.R. Ambedkar or Bhagat Singh didn’t even get a walk-on part in the movie? That Ambedkar and Bhagat Singh featured in the Cockroach protests was reassuring. They had a well-grounded prognosis about what ailed Indian society. Ambedkar, together with Periyar and M.G. Ranade had forcefully argued that social transformation must precede or accompany political freedom, famously maintaining that political independence without social equality was incomplete or a ‘lie’. Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam and Surendra Gadling are among the current crop of youth jailed for holding the torch passed on by an amazing generation of leaders. Dipke’s movement faces inevitable challenges ahead. Ground-breaking political changes are seldom if ever a clean shot. It’s almost inevitable that there’s a Trotsky lurking to challenge Stalin in a leftist upheaval, or an Ernst Rohm paying dearly for over-interpreting his Fuhrer’s bloodlust. Likewise, leading the French Revolution, Robespierre sought to cleanse the leadership of opportunists. They ganged up to guillotine him instead. Closer to home, Z.A. Bhutto was barely finished with Ayub Khan’s military rule when he waded into a far more momentous challenge from an estranged kindred spirit, a democrat this time in faraway Dhaka. Indira Gandhi sought a clean break from corporate-feudal satraps within the Congress and garnered the left’s support against avaricious private bankers and assorted British-era princes. Then she was nudged by communal bigots still lurking in her party into a needless feud with the minority Sikhs, a grievous error that would eventually lay her low. Rajiv Gandhi sought to lead India into a perfectly viable technology-savvy 21st century. He ended up balancing the party’s advice that thrust him between Hindu and Muslim communalists, one seeking to turn mythology into history, the other bent on stealing small change from a female divorcee. Two earth-shaking upheavals in the 20th century nicely frame the context and reality of the youth-led Cockroach movement. The movement has already forced Narendra Modi’s education minister’s humiliating exit, rattling the bones of the faux muscular religio-fascist rulers. But what lies in store ahead for the lot when the exigencies of politics serve up crucial state polls next year in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab? Politicians would want to harness their energy to purposes that can neither be ignored nor trifled with. The two important examples to better understand the Cockroach phenomenon perhaps rest in movements that led to India’s 1947 independence from Britain and Iran’s 1979 freedom from American control of the country. The landmark events occurred barely 32 years apart. The Indian movement was set into motion in 1885 by professional ornithologist A.O. Hume. The Indian National Congress remained an elitist body until Gandhi turned it into a mass movement in 1920. It brought together a cornucopia of contradictions. Bhagat Singh and Lal Lajpat Rai were opposed to Gandhi’s nonviolence. While one was a votary of scientific socialism, the other was a staunch Hindu revivalist. The Iranian Revolution was similarly led by competing groups of diverse ideological origins. The spine belonged to the experienced pro-Soviet Tudeh Party. The street craft was shored up by the Maoist Mujahideen-i-Khalq, but the masses were directed by highly politically savvy and well-read clergy. After the overthrow of the Shah, the clergy took charge. They used the CIA’s files to decimate the Tudeh and uproot the MeK. Given these proven propensities, would Dipke’s worldview remain true to the promise of the dreams Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar dreamt for India? The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com Published in Dawn, August 4th, 2026

Modi regime responsible for IIOJK terrorism; Kulgam attack a staged drama: ex-CM Farooq Abdullah

Questions why violent incidents occur when the demand for the restoration of Kashmir’s statehood gains momentum

Drug trade part of hostile nation terror agenda : PM Modi cautions youth against addiction

SMOKERS’ CORNER: BEYOND THE ‘GEN-Z REVOLUTION’ LABEL

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will not fall, but he clearly wears a shell-shocked expression these days, as widespread anti-Modi protests by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) appear to have unnerved him. The CJP operates outside conventional politics as a movement driven primarily by young Indians. Naturally, following regional trends, where commentators labelled recent anti-government uprisings in Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh as Gen-Z uprisings, the Indian movement is receiving the same description. In truth, this term is intellectually lazy. Global student protests against governments in the late 1960s were never termed Boomer uprisings, nor were violent anti-corporate demonstrations in the 1990s described as Gen-X uprisings. Revolutions in places such as Ukraine and erstwhile Czechoslovakia received colour-coded names such as the Orange Revolution, Velvet Revolution etc. Western media delights in such terminology. This silly practice ultimately collapsed alongside the disastrous unravelling of the so-called Arab Spring, which no one labelled a Millennial uprising. How did the term ‘Gen Z revolution’ originate? Back in 2017, as the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement peaked in the United States, Pepsi attempted to capitalise on the momentum. A television commercial featured a well-known female model walking into a fictionalised BLM protest carrying a can of Pepsi, which she offered as a peace offering to the cops and the young protesters. From Nepal and Sri Lanka to Bangladesh and India, youth-led protests have become a regional phenomenon. But reducing them to generational branding obscures the political and economic forces driving them What the brand’s marketing team believed would be a stroke of corporate co-optation badly misfired. Young Americans took to social media to lambast Pepsi for trivialising the movement. The backlash proved so intense that Pepsi was forced to issue a public apology. Until 2017, most corporate brands remained oblivious to the fact that Millennials had already entered the workforce and were no longer the sole dominant youth demographic. A new generation was steadily replacing them: Generation-Z. Shaped by distinct circumstances, this cohort embraced markedly different values. Now every youth uproar is lazily labelled as a ‘Gen-Z uprising.’ Nepal witnessed youth-led uprisings driven by frustration with government corruption, nepotism and restrictions on civil liberties. Bangladesh experienced student protests initially sparked by anger over discriminatory civil service job quotas, which quickly broadened into a wider rebellion against authoritarian rule and youth unemployment. Sri Lanka’s upheaval was ignited by a severe economic crisis featuring shortages of fuel, food and medicine, alongside hyperinflation. India’s youth movement emerged in response to economic anxieties surrounding unemployment, and perceived threats to democratic norms. But here are three interesting bits about the uprising in India which haven’t been discussed in much detail. Political analysis and sociological studies by organisations such as Centre for the Study of Developing Societies-Lokniti (CSDS-Lokniti) show that Modi has historically enjoyed strong backing from young middle-class Indians. Therefore, the current youth protests in India against governance issues such as unemployment or exam irregularities mostly involve individuals or households that previously supported him, reflecting a move from optimistic aspiration to economic disillusionment. As the Pakistani political commentator Najam Sethi observed, this change implies that a significant segment of young Modi supporters is now open to engagement by anti-Modi parties. Secondly, the movement is horizontal, lacking a disciplined party structure and a central leader. This was also the case in Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Horizontal movements fail to achieve any significant structural transformation. A despised individual may fall, but the underlying apparatus remains intact. This dynamic was also visible in the Arab Spring. However, horizontal movements have the potential to inadvertently unleash grave dangers as well. Consider a rubber-band. Stretched to its utmost limit, it either snaps back to its original shape upon release or, if pulled too far, breaks entirely. The 2018 youth uprising in Sudan successfully ousted a hated dictator, but the rubber-band broke rather than returning to its previous form. The country plunged into a brutal civil war that persists today. Historically, enduring revolutions capable of delivering structural change have required an organised outfit and a strong central leadership. They have a consensual hierarchy. Horizontal uprisings, on the other hand, generally achieve little beyond removing a head of state or government while preserving the ruling order, or risk fracturing the state into civil conflict. In India, the removal of Narendra Modi is not yet on the horizon, nor is there any likelihood of severe civil strife. What is visible, however, is an outpouring of frustration, directed at a once-revered figure by a youth demographic that includes many who previously idolised him and bought into his promises of economic miracles. This discontent was further compounded when he faltered in the 2025 conflict against arch-rival Pakistan. And this is important because it leads directly into the third interesting bit. Over the past few years, youth have risen up in almost every South Asian country, including Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, the Maldives to a certain extent, and now India. Pakistan, however, has experienced nothing of the sort on a national scale. While protests have occurred, they remain ethnically localised, such as the canal protests exclusive to Sindh or the missing persons demonstrations confined to Balochistan. One might posit that the May 9, 2023 protests led by the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) served as the nation’s Gen-Z uprising moment, but this characterisation misses the mark. The youth movements elsewhere in the region were organically driven by socio-economic grievances, whereas the May 9 mobilisation was a top-down, party-engineered response, cantered entirely around the personality and arrest of a single political leader, Imran Khan. Rather than representing an autonomous youth uprising confronting institutional failure, it was a partisan reaction executed by loyal party cadres defending a specific political figure, lacking the broad, non-partisan defiance that defines contemporary youth uprisings across the region. It signified little more than the uncritical adoration of a single leader. It is striking that major youth uprisings have erupted across South Asian nations that have historically experienced significant Indian economic and political influence, often leaving them feeling pressured to align with New Delhi’s regional preferences. This dynamic helps explain why anti-establishment sentiment in those countries frequently carried an explicit anti-India undertone. Pakistan stood apart as the sole nation in the region with a strictly anti-India posture. This altered its political ecosystem. While other South Asian states faced domestic movements targeting leadership perceived as compliant with India, Pakistan’s national narrative has long been anchored in hostility toward India. Therefore, ever since the late 1960s, anti-establishment anger in Pakistan tends to be channelled through ethnic-nationalist and partisan paradigms rather than through a broad, organic youth uprising. Published in Dawn, EOS, August 2nd, 2026

Modi says he forgives protesters who abused him during youth-led demonstrations against exam paper leaks

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said he wanted to “forgive” protesters who abused him during recent youth-led demonstrations that dealt a rare political setback to his government. The remarks came after the online Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) mobilised large protests in New Delhi and other cities over examination paper leaks, posing the biggest challenge to Modi’s government in recent years. Some protesters featured in widely circulated videos shouting insults at the prime minister have since faced online abuse from Modi supporters as well as police complaints, according to local media reports. Police have also asked social media platforms, including Meta and X, to take down what they described as abusive and manipulated content targeting the premier. “The country and the world witnessed what happened at Jantar Mantar. Some mischievous youngsters hurled vile abuses,” Modi, 75, said in a video posted on Instagram late on Friday. “Words were used that do not belong to civilised society — directed not just at me, but even at my late mother … I want to forgive them.” Modi also said “mistakes made in youth” should be corrected through guidance rather than legal action, referring to the police cases. The protests that began last month were initially sparked by anger over examination paper leaks. But they broadened into a wider expression of frustration over unemployment and governance, culminating in the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. Since the protests began, Modi has increasingly used Instagram — the platform on which the CJP built much of its support — to communicate directly with youngsters. Modi’s ruling party has 9.6 million Instagram followers, while the CJP, launched only in May, has more than 26m.

PM call with Prime Minister Modi of India: 31 July 2026

The Prime Minister spoke with Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India today.

‘Fear of the regime has now gone’: How big a risk does ‘cockroach’ movement pose to India’s BJP?

The Narendra Modi-led government has often declared proudly that its ministers do not resign under public pressure, unlike those from previous governments. However, that hubris was shattered on July 25 when Dharmendra Pradhan, India’s education minister, was forced to resign following widespread youth anger and resistance galvanised by the successful protest in New Delhi led by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP). The first such capitulation by a cabinet minister since Modi came into power in 2014 has prompted questions on the wider political impact of this youth-led movement on the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ahead of key state elections, including in India’s most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, in 2027. While CJP maintains it has no immediate plans to transform itself into a political party, its unprecedented success and continuing pressure on the government has not only dented Modi’s invincibility but also revitalised the opposition, both on the streets and in Parliament. Modi biography author and political commentator Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay described the successful protests as “a big blow to Modi’s strongman image”, as well as “possibly a big turning point in Indian political history”. “The fear of the regime has now gone,” he told The Straits Times, noting how young people continued protesting despite being beaten with batons by the police, tear-gassed and even fired upon with pellet guns by paramilitary forces. Mukhopadhyay said Pradhan’s resignation had also reignited the popularity of youth-led protests that “had faded from public minds”. “The romanticism of the idea of a protest has come back in a big way after several decades in India,” he added. This could encourage similar protest movements on other issues by other groups, further mobilising public anger and potentially creating problems for the government, he noted. India’s opposition parties have latched on to the momentum generated by these protests and kept the pressure up on the government. On July 29, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi directed his criticism in Parliament at Home Minister Amit Shah, who controls Delhi Police, as well as the country’s paramilitary forces, demanding that he, too, resign for having “ordered the shooting of our students”. BJP has denied this charge. “On what basis are you saying this?” shot back Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju. CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke echoed Gandhi’s demand on July 30, alleging that the July 20 attacks on protesters during their attempted parliament march against examination irregularities were carried out on Shah’s instructions. Why did the government give in to CJP’s demands? Analysts have said that the government’s decision to accede to CJP’s demands was prompted by fears that further repression of the protests could harm BJP’s support base among the youth. Around 39 per cent of voters between the ages of 18 and 25 had voted for BJP in the 2024 general election, giving it the largest youth vote share among all political parties. Yet, BJP failed to gauge the groundswell of anger among young people, especially over exam paper leaks. Even children of BJP ministers and allies either joined the protest or expressed support online. At Jantar Mantar, the protest site in New Delhi, young people coalesced across different religions and social groups – 30-year-old Dipke himself is a Dalit, a marginalised Hindu caste. The protesters also couched their opposition with patriotism and belief in India’s constitutional ideals, a heady mix that proved difficult for BJP to counter. Modi, who came under direct attack from the outspoken youth, has sought to limit the damage with several actions. These include the passage of an anti-paper leak legislation in the lower house of Parliament on July 29, as well as the creation of a task force to set up a leak-proof examination system. The prime minister also released a series of informal, selfie-style vertical videos to reach out to young people and urged his ministers to be more active on Instagram. CJP has criticised these moves, with Dipke saying that Modi should quit the prime minister’s post and instead “become an influencer”. CJP and other protesting youth-led groups have also questioned the effectiveness of the new measures, arguing that they do not focus on factors that lead to examination paper leaks in the first place and fail to fix accountability at top levels of the government. The groups have also kept up their campaign to ensure that students and other protesters are released from captivity and have charges against them dropped, something that was agreed to between the government and CJP. “This government must understand that the students’ anger has not subsided. There is immense anger among the people, and if required, protests will happen again and be bigger than the previous one,” CJP posted on X on July 29. Faced with these threats, the authorities have stepped up security around Jantar Mantar, even welding metal barricades together for better reinforcement against protesters. The successful protest has reinvigorated several other youth-led organisations that had existed for decades before CJP came into being in May 2026 and had rallied together to support the movement at Jantar Mantar. Among them is the left-leaning All India Students’ Association. Its president, Neha, who prefers to use only her first name, said: “The win is, of course, the resignation of an incapable education minister, but it is also a win that… not even BJP, after more than 10 years of being in power, can say we are beyond democracy and our Cabinet ministers need not concern themselves with serving the public. “It has shown us that BJP can be defeated by the combined might of the people of this country. And it gives us hope for the several other battles that have been continuing so far and where we’ve not yet registered victory.” In recent days, copycat protests by schoolchildren demanding better education facilities at government schools have erupted in three states – Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan. Some protesting youth groups even returned to Jantar Mantar on July 29 to condemn the “police crackdown” on protesters in BJP-governed states such as West Bengal, Bihar and Assam. BJP fights back ahead of state polls Meanwhile, the government has also put up a fight – with the authorities asking social media platforms to take down posts critical or abusive of Modi, and pro-BJP social media users even trying to dox students who had criticised the Prime Minister openly on camera. BJP leaders even gave Pradhan a rousing welcome at Parliament on July 26, a day after his resignation. “They are certainly not bowing down,” said Mukhopadhyay, noting there are legitimate fears of further “repression (by BJP) and tightening of the noose around democracy”. The first big electoral test following these protests will come in the first quarter of 2027, with state elections in Uttar Pradesh, which is currently governed by BJP. Amitabh Tiwari, a political strategist and founder of Vote Vibe, an opinion polling agency, said the protests reflect a malaise beyond just paper leaks, including issues such as youth unemployment. He added that while they pose an electoral challenge to BJP, the protests had also highlighted the opposition’s failure to take up these longstanding concerns effectively and draw public support the way CJP had with an estimated tens of thousands of protesters on the ground and millions of followers online. “If the credit itself has not accrued to the opposition parties for these protests and resignation, I feel it is unlikely that the electoral benefit could accrue to them,” said Tiwari. Opposition parties, he noted, have to go beyond mere criticism of the government and must offer tangible solutions for youth-related concerns to translate youth anger into votes. “That is a missing link. If they do that, then, of course, they could see some gains,” he added. A pushback against gerontocracy Tiwari told ST the protests are also a warning sign for India’s gerontocracy that has failed to give young people a fair share in governance and take up their issues. “The youth are saying our voice is unheard in this entire political system, that India is a young country but one that is ruled by grandfathers and grandmothers,” he said. India has a young population, with a median age of 29 years, but the average age of MPs elected in 2024 stood at 56 years. Nearly 50 per cent of the 1,000-plus respondents of a snap poll conducted in Indian cities by Vote Vibe in June had said that there potentially exists a political space for a party focused mainly on youth-related concerns. “I see it as a call for, rather than a threat to, political parties to give more representation to youth in their ecosystems,” said Tiwari. “And if that does not happen, they’re signalling that they can align with forces like CJP were they to plunge into politics in the future.” This article originally appeared on The Straits Times, an ANN partner of Dawn.

LHC grants Imran's sister Noreen Niazi protective bail in Peca case

LAHORE: The Lahore High Court (LHC) on Thursday granted interim protective bail to Noreen Niazi, the sister of incarcerated PTI founder Imran Khan, in a case registered by the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA). The NCCIA case alleges that Niazi made derogatory and inflammatory remarks against state institutions during a podcast interview and in subsequent clips shared on X. Earlier, Niazi appeared before the court along with her counsel, Barrister Shahryar Riaz. The counsel submitted that the petitioner was a permanent resident of Lahore, while the case had been registered in Islamabad. He said the petitioner feared arbitrary arrest before she could approach the relevant court in Islamabad. The barrister also argued that the allegations in the case were politically motivated and part of an attempt to harass her. The counsel requested that the court grant interim protective bail to the petitioner, allowing her to appear safely before the relevant court in Islamabad. After hearing the arguments, Justice Sardar Akbar Ali granted protective bail to Niazi for one week and directed her to appear before the relevant court before the next hearing. The first information report (FIR) was registered on Monday under Sections 20 (Offences against dignity of a natural person) and 26-A (Punishment for false and fake information) of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (Peca) 2016, alongside sections 505 (Statement conducing to public mischief) and 506 (Punishment for criminal intimidation) of the Pakistan Penal Code. The FIR, a copy of which is available with Dawn, alleged that Niazi and others had been involved in “preparing, publishing, propagating, glorifying, disseminating and promoting highly offensive, derogatory, inflammatory and intimidating content” on social media. It added that she had deliberately targeted security and state institutions with misleading and false allegations and targeted the reputation of the Pakistan Armed Forces. The NCCIA termed this a “deliberate campaign” to malign these institutions and spread false narratives, and accused Niazi of undermining the achievements of the armed forces in a podcast interview available online. “The accused has intentionally spread hated against the defence forces … with an intent to cause fear, panic and disorder” amid the public, the FIR stated. The NCCIA had earlier summoned Niazi to appear before it on July 20 over allegations of disseminating “false, offensive and inflammatory” content against state institutions. While the notice did not specify the content in relation to which Niazi has been summoned, it was issued after the clip of her making claims in relation to last year’s brief military conflict between Pakistan and India was widely shared on social media. In the clip, she is seen alleging during an interview that the conflict was “orchestrated” to improve the image of Pakistan’s military. She claimed the “drama” was played out in collaboration with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, questioning why Modi would have refrained from further attacking Pakistan otherwise. In this connection, she went on to allege that the objective was to get Israel recognised by Pakistan, linking US President Donald Trump’s praise of Pakistan’s leadership with Israel’s recognition as well.

Has the ‘Cockroach’ movement changed Indian politics?

Has the ‘Cockroach’ movement changed Indian politics? Expert comment jon.wallace 29 July 2026 The movement has tapped into dissatisfaction with employment opportunities and the economy. But it does not threaten a Gen Z revolution of the kind India’s neighbours have undergone. An Indian youth movement led by an organization calling itself ‘the Cockroach Janata Party’ (CJP) has called a halt to weeks of protest in India, after securing a significant victory: India’s government has acceded to its key demands, and the education minister has resigned. The rise of the CJP has been remarkable. It began as an online satirical platform, responding to a remark by India’s chief justice in which he referred to the country’s unemployed youth as ‘cockroaches’. But since May it has swiftly developed into a real movement for political and social change, tapping into broader dissatisfaction among India’s young people. The immediate trigger was a leak in the country’s medical examinations, which over 2.2 million students were due to sit in May. There were reports of several suicides associated with the decision to cancel and then reschedule the exams. The CJP began protests at a site in New Delhi near India’s Parliament, calling for the resignation of the education minister and compensation for affected families. Protests also took hold in other parts of the country. Movement founder, Abhijit Dipke, returned to India in June to lead the demonstrations. The size of crowds grew from hundreds to thousands after a veteran activist, Sonam Wangchuk, who went on a hunger strike in support of the CJP demonstrations, was forcibly removed from a protest – ostensibly on health grounds. Then heavy-handed tactics by the police against the young protestors went viral, fuelling support for the demonstrations among opposition politicians, celebrities and other sections of Indian society. With the CJP’s key demands met, the demonstrations have now died down. But the grievances that led to its emergence have not disappeared. Fundamental grievances remain unresolved Disaffection among Indian youth reflects structural problems in the economy, including wider flaws in the education system and a lack of employment opportunities. The exam leak was only the latest in a string of scandals facing the country’s national examination system. Another major leak occurred in 2024. And there have also been leaks of tests for other public service officials, including the police, teachers and engineers. This points to the need to reform India’s over-centralized examination system, which is overseen by the National Testing Agency, an autonomous body within the Ministry of Education. Education is an emotive issue in India. The country’s middle class spends large proportions of their disposable income on navigating the highly competitive examination system – often through coaching, which is big business in India. The broader structural problem is the lack of economic opportunity for young people. A third of India’s working age population are aged between 15-29 years. And nearly 40 per cent of school graduates aged between 15-25 years are unemployed. Related work South Asia’s Gen Z revolutions now face difficult realities Even before the latest demonstrations, there were signs of frustration with the government. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) performed more poorly than expected in the 2024 general election. This was attributed in part to concerns about rising youth unemployment and inequality. The party secured a third consecutive term but on a weaker mandate that made it more beholden to its coalition partners. These concerns have been exacerbated by the Iran conflict, which is pressuring India’s economy and weakening the Indian Rupee, which is the among the world’s poorest performing currencies. These economic stresses, combined with flaws in the country’s education system, lie at the heart of India’s youth movement. But this does not mean that India will follow in the footsteps of other countries that have experienced so-called Gen Z revolutions. Similarities and differences South Asia has experienced a string of recent ‘people power’ movements. In Sri Lanka in 2022, Bangladesh in 2024 and Nepal in 2025, governments were ousted by largescale social unrest fuelled by growing economic distress, political dysfunction, demographic pressures and the role of social media. There are clear parallels between these movements and the CJP. India also has a young, aspirational population with grievances over the lack of opportunities. Many feel that the system is inherently unfair, dogged by administrative failures, and unresponsive to their needs. Social media has fuelled their grievances, mobilizing populations and presenting an alternative narrative to the state’s. However, these comparisons have limitations. India’s youth movement will not unseat the government in the way that it has in neighbouring countries. Despite its name, the CJP is not (yet) a political party, although several opposition politicians are supporting its cause with moral and material support. The group’s objective during the recent demonstrations was quite narrowly defined to reforming the country’s education system. And the Modi government is on much stronger footing than its peers in neighbouring countries. The BJP has been in power at the national level since 2014. The party and its allies control governments in 22 of India’s 36 states and union territories. There is no strong and unified political opposition. Grassroots movements face a high barrier to translate their protest support into political power in India. That increasingly leaves street movements as the means by which the population voices its opposition to the government – from the farmers’ protests in 2020-21 opposing agricultural law reform, to earlier protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act, which offers fast-track citizenship to minorities from neighbouring countries (but notably not Muslims). Within a day of the CJP calling a halt to its demonstrations, another group – calling itself the E20 Janta Party – was established to oppose the government’s ethanol-blended fuel requirements. Most of all, grassroots movements face a high barrier to translate their protest support into political power in India, particularly at the national level: Anti-corruption demonstrations in 2011 led to the establishment of the Aam Admi Party (Common Man’s Party). At the time it was seen as a potential third front in Indian politics (after the BJP and Indian National Congress). But today the party only controls one state. Moreover, despite his strongman image, Modi consistently demonstrates the ability to adapt. After ‘sticks’ failed to quash the CJP protests, his government pivoted to ‘carrots’ – meeting with CJP representatives to hear their demands and censuring several people associated with the exam leak, before dismissing the education minister. Following an initial period of silence, Modi himself pledged ‘swift and stringent punishment’ for those responsible for the exam paper leaks. A bill was tabled in parliament this week that entails the establishment of fast-track courts to investigate such leaks. And a taskforce led by Infosys co-founder Nandan Nilekani has also been set up to look into the issue. Modi also noted that ‘nothing is more important than the welfare and future of our youth’. Outlook This does not mean that the CJP has not had an impact on India’s politics. The government has been bruised by these demonstrations. As a result, it is more likely to adopt a go-slow approach on some of its more controversial policies, including implementation of a Uniform Civil Code and delimitation of parliamentary constituencies. And while youth led parties may have a limited impact at the national level, they could have a growing impact at the state level. The Tamil Nadu state election earlier this year saw a relatively new political party (TVK) defeat the state’s well-entrenched political parties with the aid of the youth vote. By the time of the next general election in 2029 the BJP will have been in power for 15 years, making Modi India’s longest serving prime minister. A degree of Modi fatigue, combined with concerns about the economy and other governance challenges could yet weaken support for the government. However, as of now it is more likely that movements like the CJP will be a spoiler that erodes the BJP’s mandate, rather than helping to create the kind of cohesive and coordinated opposition required to unseat the government.

South Asia’s Gen Z moment

INDIA’S Gen Z uprising may not have swept away the government as it did in Bangladesh and Nepal, but it has certainly challenged an increasingly repressive system. Led by students and disgruntled youth, the protests — triggered by widespread allegations of leaked exam papers — grew into a mass movement. Demanding justice for the millions of students affected and for the reportedly dozens of suicides linked to the scandal, the protests, unprecedented in their scale, began in New Delhi and quickly spread to many parts of the country. It soon turned into a wider democracy movement, drawing support from other sections of society. It is the most serious challenge the Modi government has had to face in its 12-year rule and has ripped open a fault line in the hard-line Hindu nationalist administration that has steadily eroded the secular character of Indian democracy. The protests forced the federal education minister to resign — a humiliating blow to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s strongman image. Although the protests have now been called off, they have nevertheless shaken an increasingly authoritarian regime. The Gen Z movement has upended India’s political landscape. The youth have rallied around a new political formation — the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) — that sprang into existence only months ago in response to an insulting remark about the youth by the chief justice of India. Very soon, a platform pledging to fight injustice and defend the democratic rights of the people turned into a formidable opponent of the right-wing Hindu nationalist government. Although the protests led by the CJP centred on exam paper leaks and a decadent educational system, it was other issues — unemployment and democratic freedom — that truly galvanised the youth. The movement further exposed India’s controlled mainstream media, a reflection of the shrinking freedom of expression in that country. The protests in India may have ended, but the Gen Z movement is not dead. Notably, social media platforms have served as major mobilising tools, allowing the youth to circumvent a controlled mainstream media often described as the ‘Godi’ (lapdog) media. A ‘demographic dividend’ could turn into a demographic catastrophe. India’s Gen Z movement may not share the same intensity, but in many ways it echoes the youth-led movements in Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka that toppled autocratic and corrupt governments and pulled those countries back towards democracy. The youth revolt in Bangladesh was triggered by unfair job quotas for the children of ruling-party members. It quickly broadened into a countrywide uprising against an authoritarian regime that had effectively established one-party rule. The Sheikh Hasina government’s use of force, which killed hundreds of protesters, further inflamed public anger. The uprising finally ended with Sheikh Hasina fleeing the country — the movement’s defining victory and the prelude to a freely elected government. Similarly, the Gen Z movement in Nepal was triggered by a ban on social media platforms critical of the government. The action ignited deep-seated anger over elite capture, widespread corruption and growing youth unemployment. Mass protests erupted across the country. The government’s attempt to crush the protests with brute force aggravated the people’s ire. Dozens were killed in what is widely regarded as the worst civilian massacre in Nepal’s modern political history. Angry protesters torched the parliament building and several politicians’ homes. Within days, the prime minister stepped down and the army briefly intervened to restore order before an interim government was formed. Elections followed a few months later, with a young leader installed as prime minister. A social media ban had lit the fuse that blew apart the entire power structure. Sri Lanka is another South Asian country where the youth protests brought down the government. Sri Lanka’s 2022 uprising — known as the ‘Aragalaya’ (the struggle) — was one of the most dramatic protest movements in the country’s modern history. Unlike in India, Bangladesh and Nepal, where a single issue became the trigger for a wider movement, Sri Lanka’s case was somewhat different: it was not sparked by a single sudden event but by a slow-burning explosion. The crisis was no accident — it was the product of years of economic mismanagement by a family dynasty that had dominated the country’s politics. High inflation and unemployment exacerbated the situation. What has unfolded in these four South Asian countries is a lesson for Pakistan, which not only has a large youth population but also suffers from political and economic problems. Pakistan’s Gen Z population (born between 1997 and 2012) is believed to number nearly 70 million. This has dire implications for a country where basic rights are in jeopardy, the media and free expression are restricted, and unemployment is rising. A ‘demographic dividend’ could turn into a demographic catastrophe, with Pakistan occupying practically the lowest rung on South Asia’s human development ladder. The legitimacy of the regime — which is losing its grip in several parts — is being questioned. The economy, meanwhile, is dependent on external assistance, which restricts financial autonomy. Public discontent — driven by inflation, unemployment and political repression — has created a volatile situation. Whatever is unfolding in Balochistan, KP and Azad Kashmir reflects a pushback against an elite-dominated power structure. Hundreds of political and human rights activists are said to be behind bars. The judiciary itself is shackled, restricting avenues for those seeking justice. News from these areas may be kept off the mainstream media, but reality cannot be hidden in the age of social media. Curbing access to social media cannot work in the tech age. Given the tensions existing along Pakistan’s borders, more unrest could have far-reaching consequences beyond the frontiers, as the regional landscape is highly volatile. Pakistan must restore democratic rights before it is too late. The writer is an author and journalist. zhussain100@yahoo.com X: @hidhussain Published in Dawn, July 29th, 2026

India's top court orders no coercive action against youth protesters and release of minors, media reports say

India’s Supreme Court on Tuesday ordered the release of under-18s arrested during the youth protests over exam leaks and said authorities must ensure surveillance footage is preserved after petitioners alleged police brutality against demonstrators. Indian media reports said Chief Justice Surya Kant also directed authorities to preserve the digital and personal data of people who participated in the demonstrations and barred any coercive action against them. The reports said Kant took interim steps in response to petitions filed by student protesters and activists seeking action against police and paramilitary forces for what they said was the use of excess force and pellet guns during the weeks-long demonstrations in the national capital and other cities. He called for the preservation of all footage, including from drones, body cameras, and CCTV footage, and directed authorities to ensure protesters’ data was not made public. Police officers injured, solicitor general says “Whoever has committed excess … atrocities on innocent people, the law will take care of them. For that, there needs to be a completely independent and fair investigation,” Kant said, according to legal website Live Law, one of several outlets reporting the ruling. “A probe is meaningless if no responsibility is fixed,” he said, before ordering the interim steps. The government has defended police action during the protests as lawful crowd control. The Solicitor General of India, Tushar Mehta, was cited by media reports as having said in court that while the matter of students being attacked could not be taken lightly, about 250 police officers were also injured, adding that the government had no objection to an investigation into the matter. The protests, triggered by the leak of question papers for a national medical college entrance exam, ended on Saturday after the education minister resigned and the government agreed to the protesters’ demands for exam reforms, withdrawal of police cases, and compensation for families of students who died by suicide after the leaks. Baton charges used against protesters Tensions erupted between protesters and security forces in several parts of the country during the demonstrations, including in New Delhi, where people attempting to march on parliament were met with tear gas and baton charges. Indian authorities have also suspended a policeman in an eastern state for firing rounds in the air from an assault rifle to disperse student protesters over the weekend. Reuters reported on Monday that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government was facing a challenge from activists over the use of AI-powered surveillance at the protests, after demonstrators posted pictures on social media of a mobile police surveillance van equipped with cameras on a telescopic mast, providing a 360-degree view of the gathering. The self-named Cockroach Janta Party, which spearheaded the movement, said on Monday that “hundreds” of students had been arrested in various states, in violation of the government’s commitment. Reuters was not able to independently verify the claim.

"Hamam Böcekleri" kazandı. İlk kez geri adım atıldı

Hindistan'da üniversite sınavındaki soru sızıntısına tepki olarak başlayan Z kuşağı protestoları, Başbakan Narendra Modi hükümetinin ilk kez geri adım atmasıyla sonuçlandı. MODİ HÜKÜMETİNE GERİ ADIM ATTIRAN PROTESTO Hindistan'da üniversite giriş sınavında yaşanan soru sızıntısı nedeniyle başlayan ve kısa sürede ülke geneline yayılan gençlik protestoları, Başbakan Narendra Modi hükümetini geri adım atmaya zorladı. Haftalardır başkent Yeni Delhi başta olmak üzere birçok kentte düzenlenen gösterilerin ardından Eğitim Bakanı Dharmendra Pradhan görevinden istifa etti. Protestocuların temel talebi olan istifanın gerçekleşmesi üzerine eylemler askıya alındı. Yaklaşık 12 yıldır iktidarda bulunan Modi yönetimi açısından bu gelişme, hükümetin kamuoyu baskısıyla attığı en dikkat çekici geri adımlardan biri olarak değerlendiriliyor. SORU SIZINTISI BARDAĞI TAŞIRDI Protestoların fitilini, milyonlarca öğrencinin katıldığı tıp ve diş hekimliği fakültelerine giriş sınavında soruların sızdırıldığının hükümet tarafından kabul edilmesi ateşledi. Sınavın yeniden yapılacağının açıklanması, uzun süredir işsizlik ve fırsat eşitsizliği nedeniyle öfkeli olan gençlerin tepkisini daha da büyüttü. Gösterilerin merkezine ise soru sızıntısının yaşandığı dönemde görevde bulunan Eğitim Bakanı Pradhan yerleşti. "HAMAM BÖCEĞİ PARTİSİ" SOSYAL MEDYADA DOĞDU Protestoların öncülüğünü, internet ortamında mizahi bir hareket olarak kurulan "Cockroach Janta Party" (Hamam Böceği Halk Partisi) üstlendi. Boston Üniversitesi mezunu Abhijeet Dipke tarafından başlatılan oluşum, kısa sürede gençlerin işsizlik ve eğitim sistemi konusundaki memnuniyetsizliğinin sembolüne dönüştü. Instagram videoları ve mizahi paylaşımlar sayesinde hareket kısa sürede milyonlarca kişiye ulaştı. Ana akım medyanın ilk günlerde protestolara sınırlı yer vermesi nedeniyle göstericiler kendi haber ağlarını sosyal medya üzerinden oluşturdu. MODİ İLK KEZ SAVUNMAYA GEÇTİ 20 Temmuz'da polisin parlamentoya yürümek isteyen on binlerce göstericiye göz yaşartıcı gaz ve copla müdahale etmesi protestoları durdurmak yerine daha da büyüttü. İlk kez bazı göstericiler yalnızca Eğitim Bakanı'nın değil, Başbakan Narendra Modi'nin de istifasını istemeye başladı. Bunun üzerine Modi, sosyal medya üzerinden öğrencileri doğrudan hedef alan iki video yayımladı. İlk videosunun yakın çekim olması nedeniyle sosyal medyada alay konusu olan Modi, ikinci videoyu farklı bir açıyla çekerek gençlerin yorumlarına teşekkür etti. BAKAN İSTİFA ETTİ, PROTESTOLAR DURDU Cumartesi günü Eğitim Bakanı Dharmendra Pradhan'ın istifa etmesi protestocular tarafından büyük bir zafer olarak karşılandı. Hükümet ayrıca sınav skandalı nedeniyle yaşamını yitiren öğrencilerin ailelerine tazminat verilmesi dahil diğer taleplerin de değerlendirileceği sözünü verdi. Bunun üzerine protesto liderleri gösterileri şimdilik durdurduklarını açıkladı ve Yeni Delhi'deki eylem alanı boşaltıldı MODİ'NİN EN BÜYÜK SINAVI Uzmanlara göre protestoların arkasında yalnızca sınav skandalı değil, gençlerin giderek büyüyen ekonomik kaygıları bulunuyor. 360 milyondan fazla 15-29 yaş arası nüfusa sahip Hindistan dünyanın en genç ülkelerinden biri olmasına rağmen, son araştırmalara göre 25 yaş altındaki üniversite mezunlarının yaklaşık yüzde 40'ı işsiz durumda. YENİ BİR SİYASİ DÖNEMİN BAŞLANGICI MI? Uzmanlar, protestoların Modi'nin siyasi geleceğini kısa vadede tehdit etmediğini belirtiyor. Başbakan, 2024 seçimlerinde üçüncü kez iktidara gelmeyi başarmış ve BJP birçok eyalette güçlü konumunu korumuştu. Bir sonraki genel seçimlerin ise 2029'da yapılması bekleniyor. Buna karşın gözlemciler, Z kuşağının ilk kez hükümeti geri adım attırmayı başarmasının Hindistan siyasetinde önemli bir dönüm noktası olabileceğini değerlendiriyor. Protestoları organize eden "Cockroach Janta Party"nin kurucusu Abhijeet Dipke de eylemleri sonlandırırken yaptığı konuşmada, "Bu son değil. Yakında yeniden buluşacağız." diyerek hareketin devam edeceğinin sinyalini verdi.

India "Hugely Angry": UK MP Who Signed Nirav Modi's Extradition Order

Nirav Modi is wanted in India to stand trial on fraud and money laundering charges in an estimated USD 2 billion Punjab National Bank (PNB) loan scam case.

Well begun is half done

AT first look, it struck one as a politically conjured Woodstock, its unhurried gait like a cloud walk along a gurgling brook of piercing humour, cackling laughter and tuneful parodies, with Faiz and Fahmida Riaz making their mandatory appearance as they often do in youthful Indian protests. The event kindled muzzled memories of what the idea of India was conceived as. In a word, the event was magical, too good to be true. An Urdu verse comes to mind that nicely captures the disbelief of joy with a habit of apprehension. Yet, it was the news one had been aching to hear for more than 12 years, probably more. “Wo ghareeb dil ko sabaq miley ki khushi ke naam se dar gaya/ Kabhi tumne hans ke jo baat ki, to hamara chehra utar gaya” (‘parched by a drought of joyous tidings the heart is scared of happiness/ If you smile at me perchance, I feel a creeping wariness’). The songs and memes from the Jantar Mantar protest rang across the country’s myriad regions. A lasting image lingers in the form of a hijab-wrapped woman who could have come from an Iranian street march to challenge imperialism’s colluders in India. She held a placard that spelt the Indian prime minister’s name with an acid slant. ‘MODI — Murderer of Democratic India.’ A similar poster replaced ‘qazi’ with ‘Nazi’. Qazis unite Muslim couples in matrimony, but they can’t do much for a Hindu and a Muslim duo who want to be together without reference to religion or ritual. There’s a secular law for those marriages in India, and they have become a bane for Hindutva. The thought of inter-religious marriage could land anyone in Narendra Modi’s jail. Hindutva’s aversion to marital licence put it in the a crosshairs of some agitators, who likened it to the Nuremberg laws which assigned people of different races and religions to hidebound mutually exclusive identities. A Jewish man could not marry a German woman and vice versa under Hitler’s laws. Hindutva seeks to perfect the Nuremberg perfidy to align it with its own hateful purpose. The poster rejected the attempt. “Jab Hindu Muslim razi/ To kya karega Nazi?” There were many such quips. The temple heist in Ayodhya was projected as post-Mughal ‘atma nirbharta’ (self-reliance). A duo from Mumbai took the Delhi subway with their own version of a futuristic poster. “Dharmendra today; Devendra tomorrow; Narendra the day after.” Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was forced to resign as per the students’ wishes. His name rhymes with those of the BJP’s chief minister in Maharashtra, Devendra Fadnavis, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The couple were not alone in sequencing the future following the weeks-long agitation against an evidently corrupt education system. India’s trajectory as a democracy has been obstructed and challenged by the Hindu right since independence. A notable feature of the protests was the social mix. The students were predominantly from urban Hindu middle classes who came from different states of the northern Hindi-speaking belt. Maharashtra and southern states, together with West Bengal and Manipur and some others, held equally impressive demonstrations. Parents of some of the students in Delhi confessed to having voted for the BJP in the past. But they said they were now thoroughly disillusioned. Leftist students, also from Hindu families but with a greater Muslim component, shored up the syncretic element. The formal face of the agitation was hemmed in by its limited objectives and equally limited gains for now. It was also not the first forced resignation of a minister. Junior external affairs minister M.J. Akbar had to go in 2018 after a MeToo agitation waged by women journalists. In political terms, the Sikh farmers seemed more surefooted than the students when they campaigned outside Delhi for a year to win the annulment of three laws they deemed toxic. Although 12 students lost their lives, mostly by suicide, triggering the students’ agitation, the farmers lost around 700 during the agitation, with many succumbing to harsh Delhi weather. India’s trajectory as a democracy has been obstructed and challenged by the Hindu right since independence. Its agitation for a Hindu rashtra didn’t begin with Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination. It guided the country towards a bitter and hate-filled Partition, having first declared that Hindus and Muslims could never live together. In their endeavour, they found an unlikely ally in some Muslim leaders. Bearing the past in mind, it would help to remember that the last time a student rebellion broke out in India was in Gujarat in 1974, with Narendra Modi reportedly playing a major backroom role. The movement found traction in Bihar and turned into a ‘Total Revolution’ against Indira Gandhi’s moribund democracy and her sloppy, if also corrupt, administration. Some claim it was a drop in the ocean given today’s gargantuan standards of corruption. The students aligned with Indira’s left and right opposition and threatened to uproot Congress rule for the first time since independence. When a section of the judiciary joined the drive, Mrs Gandhi responded by clamping the nefarious Emergency. She asked the media to bend, but it preferred to crawl. So recalled L.K. Advani of the RSS/Jana Sangh after watching the crackdown from prison. Could another student revolt, this time against a much more motivated and highly organised fascist system, lead to a different outcome? By most accounts, Modi has successfully installed a system that channels the anger from widespread inequality, particularly among the youth, into an institutionalised culture of hate. With support extending from the election commission to the heads of the two houses of parliament, as well as strategically placed pliant judges, Modi’s party has been likened to the invincible mythical demon Bhasmasura. Mrs Gandhi was roundly defeated in the elections she called in 1977. Defeating Modi, though, demands Lord Vishnu’s support, to stay with the mythical metaphor. This challenge will truly test everybody riding the crest of the students’ impressive success. Yet, well begun is half done, as the students must have learnt in school. The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi. jawednaqvi@gmail.com Published in Dawn, July 28th, 2026

India's Cockroach Janta Party demands release of protesters after reports of detention

India’s youth-led “cockroach” movement, whose protests have forced the education minister’s resignation, urged authorities on Monday to release all demonstrators detained in weeks of rallies nationwide. The online Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which organised protests over exam paper leaks and other irregularities, said they had received reports of students held in detention, particularly in the states of Assam, West Bengal and Bihar. “Any failure to release those detained or withdraw criminal cases would amount to a breach of public trust,” the protest group said in a statement, adding they would take “further necessary steps” if their demand was not met. The statement comes two days after Dharmendra Pradhan resigned as education minister over repeated failures in the conduct of competitive exams that have fuelled anger among millions of young Indians. The CJP accused the government of backtracking after authorities had assured them that no punitive action would be taken against protesters. The movement has won millions of followers on social media since it was launched in May by 30-year-old public relations graduate Abhijeet Dipke. It emerged initially as a satirical response to Chief Justice Surya Kant reportedly likening young people to “cockroaches” and “parasites” during a court hearing. The movement has since broadened its agenda to include concerns over unemployment, opportunities for young people and what it describes as Modi’s increasingly authoritarian style of governance. Tens of thousands of protesters, mainly students, rallied last week in New Delhi and other cities, demanding Pradhan’s resignation and broader reforms of the examination system. Demonstrations in the Indian capital turned violent on July 20 when a crowd attempted to march towards parliament from the Jantar Mantar protest site. Police fired tear gas and used batons to disperse the protest, triggering clashes and a wave of detentions. The protests have emerged as one of the biggest challenges to Modi since his re-election for a third term in office in 2024. The issue reverberated in parliament on Monday, with repeated disruptions as opposition lawmakers demanded a response from the government over last week’s police crackdown. Despite the disruptions, the government introduced legislation in the lower house seeking tougher penalties for examination paper leaks. A series of exam irregularities have undermined trust in India’s testing system, including the leak of a medical entrance question paper that forced more than two million candidates to retake the test. Another dispute involving the online marking of examinations taken by nearly two million high school students has further fuelled public anger.

India protesters celebrate as education minister resigns, Modi announces exam system reform

For five weeks, New Delhi saw one of the biggest protests in recent history led by the Cockroach Janata Party, founded by 30 year old Abhijeet Dipke. He was joined by students from across the country in his sit-in protest. Protesters kept pouring in at Jantar Mantar even after a brutal crackdown by police and security forces in which dozens were injured. But nothing moved them out of the protest site. And it was this collective determination of India’s Gen Z that forced the education minister to resign. On Saturday, celebrations were in full swing. FRANCE 24’s Navodita Kumari, Jeanne Hutin and Fantine Dantzer report.

India's Cockcroach Janta Party demands release of protesters after reports of detention

India’s youth-led “cockroach” movement, whose protests have forced the education minister’s resignation, urged authorities on Monday to release all demonstrators detained in weeks of rallies nationwide. The online Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which organised protests over exam paper leaks and other irregularities, said they had received reports of students held in detention, particularly in the states of Assam, West Bengal and Bihar. “Any failure to release those detained or withdraw criminal cases would amount to a breach of public trust,” the protest group said in a statement, adding they would take “further necessary steps” if their demand was not met. The statement comes two days after Dharmendra Pradhan resigned as education minister over repeated failures in the conduct of competitive exams that have fuelled anger among millions of young Indians. The CJP accused the government of backtracking after authorities had assured them that no punitive action would be taken against protesters. The movement has won millions of followers on social media since it was launched in May by 30-year-old public relations graduate Abhijeet Dipke. It emerged initially as a satirical response to Chief Justice Surya Kant reportedly likening young people to “cockroaches” and “parasites” during a court hearing. The movement has since broadened its agenda to include concerns over unemployment, opportunities for young people and what it describes as Modi’s increasingly authoritarian style of governance. Tens of thousands of protesters, mainly students, rallied last week in New Delhi and other cities, demanding Pradhan’s resignation and broader reforms of the examination system. Demonstrations in the Indian capital turned violent on July 20 when a crowd attempted to march towards parliament from the Jantar Mantar protest site. Police fired tear gas and used batons to disperse the protest, triggering clashes and a wave of detentions. The protests have emerged as one of the biggest challenges to Modi since his re-election for a third term in office in 2024. The issue reverberated in parliament on Monday, with repeated disruptions as opposition lawmakers demanded a response from the government over last week’s police crackdown. Despite the disruptions, the government introduced legislation in the lower house seeking tougher penalties for examination paper leaks. A series of exam irregularities have undermined trust in India’s testing system, including the leak of a medical entrance question paper that forced more than two million candidates to retake the test. Another dispute involving the online marking of examinations taken by nearly two million high school students has further fuelled public anger.

FO warns India against underestimating resolve to thwart 'any adventurism' after minister's remarks on Kashmir issue

The Foreign Office (FO) has condemned Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s “highly provocative and irresponsible comments” regarding the Kashmir dispute, saying that the neighbouring country must not underestimate Pakistan’s resolve to “thwart any Indian adventurism”. On Sunday, Singh had stated that there would be “no talks with Pakistan”. According to the Times of India, he went on to say that if any took place, they would only be on Azad Jammu and Kashmir, claiming that it was “illegally occupied by Pakistan”. He also said that any “misadventure” would invite a response “beyond their imagination”, the publication said. The FO responded to the claims in a statement issued early on Monday, saying Pakistan condemned in the “strongest possible terms the highly provocative and irresponsible comments” by the Indian minister. “His statement not only distorts facts regarding the UN and internationally recognised Jammu and Kashmir dispute that remains on the agenda of the UN Security Council but also shows Indian government’s deliberate policy to threaten regional and international peace and security,” the FO said. “Such insinuations are an attempt to divert attention from India’s continued occupation of Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir, its sponsorship of terrorism across the region, as well as its domestic instability,” it said. “While resorting to its misplaced rhetoric of aggression and belligerence, India must not underestimate the people and government of Pakistan’s unwavering resolve and determination to thwart any Indian adventurism as demonstrated by the entire Pakistani nation and its valiant armed forces during Operation Bunyanum Marsoos last year,” it said. In May 2025, a four-day conflict between Pakistan and India was sparked by an attack on tourists in occupied Kashmir, which New Delhi, without evidence, linked with Pakistan. Islamabad strongly denied responsibility while calling for a neutral investigation. The two had traded tit-for-tat strikes before American intervention on May 10 led to a ceasefire. “Pakistan urges the international community, in particular the United Nations, to take note of India’s continued rouge behaviour and to hold it accountable for its failure to uphold the relevant UN Security Council resolutions that guarantee the right to self-determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmir,” the FO statement said. Meanwhile, Defence Minister Khawaja Asif said that India’s “continued attempts to rewrite internationally recognised legal realities through coercive rhetoric cannot alter the facts”. Referencing Singh’s remarks, he said that such statements reflected a continued attempt to distort internationally recognised legal realities through political rhetoric and coercive posturing. “They neither alter the status of the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir nor contribute to regional peace, stability or meaningful dialogue,” the minister said. “India’s repeated attempts to malign Pakistan lack credibility in light of its own well-documented record of state-sponsored terrorism and criminal activities. In fact, India remains the biggest sponsor of terrorism and perpetrator of instability in South Asia, holding the region hostage to its aggressively revisionist designs,” Asif said. “Equally alarming is India’s irresponsible rhetoric which risks lowering the threshold for interstate conflict in the region,” he added. Asif said that Pakistan remained committed to peace and dialogue but its resolve to safeguard its sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security “is absolute and must never be tested”. “Defence minister’s rhetoric is an attempt to deflect the attention from internal turmoil and increasing unrest and discontent against Modi’s autocratic and divisive style of governance,” he said.

India’s Gen Z dents Modi’s aura ahead of state polls

A CHILD holds a placard during a gathering in solidarity with the Cockroach Janta Party in Mumbai.—AFP • Indian PM posts video promising remedial steps amid growing youth anger • Experts say social media-driven activism signals changing political trends NEW DELHI: Nearly five weeks after the leaders of India’s youth Cockr­oach Janta Party (CJP) began their protest dema­n­ding the resignation of the education minister over exam paper leaks, Pri­me Minister Narendra Modi, 75, posted a rare selfie video: he said he was pained by their suffering and promised remedial steps The video, posted late on Thursday on Instagram, where CJP amassed 22 million mainly Gen Z followers in a matter of days in May, was not enough to satisfy the thousands of protesters who had gathered in central Delhi, braved a massive police crackdown days earlier, and then inspired protests across the country. On Saturday, the education minister stepped down, meeting the protesters’ main demand, in a rare such setback for Modi. The resignation of Educ­ation Minister Dharm­endra Pradhan hands a clear win to the CJP, whose young supporters have openly mocked Modi through raps, placards and graffiti, an almost unthinkable development only weeks earlier in a country whose politics has been almost fully dominated by Modi since he came to power in 2014. “A large number of people who were at the protest may actually be his supporters and that’s quite different from other kinds of protests in the past,” said Sanjay Srivastava, anthropology professor at SOAS University of London. “What might be interpreted as a win is the fact that there is now a much wider cross-section of people questioning the government. A much wider cross-section has begun to question the idea that the ruling party is necessarily good for the country.” The protests were triggered by a leaked medical-entrance exam, but there are other issues, mainly youth unemployment and fear among the young that AI could take their jobs in places such as IT back offices that India is known for, analysts said. “The paper leak is a trigger point,” political analyst Amitabh Tiwari said. “It is largely a reflection of the anxiety, nervousness, discontent, frustration and anger among the youth.” Modi’s senior ministerial colleague Rajnath Singh said the government’s “top priority remains to understand our students’ genuine concerns, address them promptly, and ensure that they know their voices are being heard”. Govt out of touch with what Gen Z wants Indians aged 18 to 40 are estimated to make up abo­ut 40 per cent of the population but hold only about 10pc of seats in the lower house of parliament, down from more than double that in the 1950s, Tiwari said. The cabinet’s average age is more than 60. Tho­u­gh the CJP is not a political party, all opposition parties have tried to cash in on the rare opening they have seen in the protests against Modi, by taking up the cause of the students. The first tests of the youth anger could be in elections next year in the most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, in Punjab and Modi’s home state of Gujarat. The BJP runs both Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat. The bigger risk for Modi could lie in the 2029 national election if the CJP turns itself into a party. Its founder, Abhijeet Dipke, has said no decision had been made so far on joining electoral politics. Some analysts say young voters have hitherto largely cast ballots along religious or caste lines, benefiting Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. But things may be changing. An actor — running for his own party and allied with opposition parties — was recently elected chief minister in the prosperous southern state of Tamil Nadu, propelled by his Instagram-first Gen Z fanbase. “This has been a moment of reckoning for PM Modi — and it shows how they are completely out of touch with what Gen Z wants,” said author Anurag Minus Verma. “For years, the BJP’s digital political strategy was centred on platforms like X, where much of the political conversation took place. But that conversation has increasingly shif­ted to Instagram now, particularly among younger users.” The BJP may rule most of India, and calls itself the world’s largest political party, but it has managed just 10 million Instagram followers in years, less than half what the CJP gained in days. The BJP has 23 million followers on X and 18 million on Facebook, though Mo­di’s personal followers on all three social media platforms are massive, ranging between 60 and 107 million. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi annou­nced Sunday a special task force to reform the country’s exam system, a day after his administration’s education minister resigned. Published in Dawn, July 27th, 2026

‘Climate of fear has collapsed’: India’s protest victory signals trouble ahead for Modi

Strongman leader’s grip over media channels has been rocked and opposition parties reinvigorated by CJP Even the night before Narendra Modi accepted the resignation of his education minister, India’s prime minister appeared confident that the largest mass uprising to take place in his 12 years in power would do little to rattle his government. Addressing his “young friends,” in a late-night Instagram selfie reel on Friday, he thanked the people – who were mobilised en masse across the country, shouting anti-government slogans – for their “thoughtful suggestions”. Continue reading...

India's Instagram Gen Z dents Modi's aura ahead of key state polls

Nearly five weeks after the leaders of India's youth Cockroach Janta Party began their protest demanding the resignation of the education minister over exam ‌paper leaks, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, 75, posted a rare selfie video: he said he was pained by their suffering and promised remedial steps. The video, posted late on Thursday on Instagram, where CJP amassed 22 million mainly Gen Z followers in a matter of days in May, was not enough to satisfy the thousands of protesters who had gather

TNCC president Manickam Tagore takes a dig at PM Modi and DMK

India cockroach movement ousts minister , but can Modi calm youth ?

Modi education minister quits as jubilant Indian youth protesters claim victory , end protest

Why the youth protests across the country found a strong echo with Indian students in Germany

The demonstrations in Berlin and in India represent the disenchantment of young people who believe that the Modi government has failed them.

India’s education minister resigns in victory for Cockroach youth movement protests

Dharmendra Pradhan steps down after demonstrations over exam leak scandal, prompting celebrations among thousands of protesters India’s education minister, Dharmendra Pradhan, has resigned after a week of mass demonstrations, handing a major victory to a new youth movement that has posed an unprecedented challenge to Narendra Modi’s government. In a statement on Saturday afternoon, Pradhan said he had submitted his letter of resignation to the prime minister after student pressure. Continue reading...

India's education minister resigns after youth protests

India’s Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan said on Saturday he had resigned from his position, handing a major victory to youth protesters nationwide who demanded that he quit to take responsibility for examination paper leaks. The minister announced his resignation on X just as police fired tear gas to scatter young protesters in Delhi, hours before their leaders were set to hold another round of talks with ministers to push for the move. In a two-page statement shared on X, Pradhan said he has sent his resignation to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. More to follow

'Lapdog media': Indian reporters caught in youth protest anger

When Indian television reporter Dev Kotak went to cover a massive youth protest against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government this week, he planned to deliver a live broadcast, mill around and leave. Instead, amid chants of “godi (lapdog) media”, he was beaten by dozens of protesters, because his channel is seen as pro-government. Mobile phone cameras captured the assault and the clip later went viral on social media. The physical attack on Kotak was unusual but through the protests, which gained momentum last week, people have heckled and abused crews from almost all of India’s mainstream television channels, calling them pro-government and sold out. “The mob might have actually killed me. There was a seething anger among them because they felt the media hadn’t reported their side of the story,” said Kotak, 36, who covers general news for the Times Now channel. “There were slaps, kicks, punches and water bottles being thrown. I was very scared and feared for my life; I just wanted to get out alive.” Anger has boiled over especially since a police crackdown on tens of thousands of protesters marching on parliament on Monday injured many students. “People kept shouting that we hadn’t shown their side of the story.” Kotak said. “That’s simply not true. I’ve reported injuries on both sides.” Times Now’s editor-in-chief, Navika Kumar, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. The hostility towards reporters reflects a broader debate over declining media freedom in the world’s most populous democracy since Modi took office in 2014 and started dominating Indian politics. India’s ranking in the Reporters Without Borders’ World Press Freedom Index has deteriorated sharply over the past decade. The country ranked 122nd in 2010 but fell to 157th out of 180 countries in 2026. The Paris-based media rights watchdog has attributed the decline to violence against journalists, concentration of media ownership in business that are aligned with the government and growing political polarisation. The Editors Guild of India condemned what it called ire “directed at representatives of the media outlets considered close to the government and the ruling party”. But it also said: “Flawed and biased reporting not only makes a bad situation worse, but has more serious and longer-lasting consequences which impact the fabric of our society and also weaken the media’s position as one of the key pillars of a functional democracy.” The Information and Broadcasting Ministry and Modi’s office did not immediately respond to requests for comment. A spokesperson for Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party declined comment. News has become anti-people, says veteran editor Prominent journalist Ravish Kumar, a winner of the Ramon Magsaysay Award, regarded as Asia’s equivalent of the Nobel Prize, is credited with coining the term “godi media”, which has spread widely because it also rhymes with Modi. The term has come to include almost all TV channels and some national newspapers for what critics say is their lack of scrutiny of government, coverage of Modi that borders on fawning and ignoring or criticising any dissent. “The godi-media is anti democracy, anti-people, anti-opposition,” Kumar said. “They vilify any opposition, label critics as agents of foreign governments, and barely ever feature voices of political parties from opposition.” A spokesperson for the protest movement, led by the Cockroach Janta Party, said organisers had repeatedly urged demonstrators not to mistreat reporters. “We have urged and we keep urging protesters to not misbehave with godi-media,” said Deepak Baliyan. “Let them do their job. We want to make sure that no one gets mistreated here.” Manisha Pande, editorial director of news website Newslaundry, said the distrust was the product of years of growing disillusionment with mainstream television news. “We have always had propaganda, partisanship, opinion-driven prime-time news,” Pande said. “But what has really happened after 2014 is that you have seen a clear shift in how news has become anti-people.” Digital commentator Akash Banerjee said the decline in trust of traditional news outlets had helped drive audiences toward independent online platforms. “The fact that the media has stopped questioning the government has resulted in a rise of alternative digital media, which would not have happened otherwise,” said Banerjee, a former Times Now journalist whose YouTube channel now attracts millions of followers. The crowds chanting against television crews were expressing years of accumulated frustration, he said. Pande warned the rising hostility carried its own dangers. “The worrying part is that the anger has now taken on a life of its own,” Pande said. “For many protesters, a reporter is no longer seen as an individual but as the face of a thick-skinned media establishment that is responsible for their pain.”

Indian government seeks time on youth protesters' minister resignation demand

Leaders of India’s youth-led “cockroach” movement said on Friday that the government ​has sought time until Saturday afternoon to respond to their demand for the education minister’s resignation over exam paper leaks, following talks between the two ‌sides. The talks came hours after activist Sonam Wangchuk ended his 26-day hunger strike, raising hopes that the two sides could reach a breakthrough after tens of thousands of angry youth converged in the capital Delhi this week to demand the minister’s resignation. The anti-government protests represent the biggest youth challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi since he came to power in 2014. Opposition parties have echoed the movement’s demands and have disrupted ​the monsoon session of parliament that began this week. Friday’s talks were held between senior federal ministers JP Nadda and Jitendra Singh on one side, and Saurav Das ​and Ashutosh Ranka, spokespersons of the self-named Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) youth movement, on the other. Saurav Das speaks as Ashutosh Ranka, both spokespersons for the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), shows the demand letter to media after holding talks with JP Nadda, one of India’s senior federal ministers, outside the Constitution club in New Delhi, India on July 24, 2026. — Reuters The CJP leaders said they had conveyed that ⁠nothing would be acceptable to them without Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation, and warned that without this, protests would spread. “The government has asked for time until tomorrow afternoon to respond ​on this point (the resignation),” Ranka told reporters. “We hope the government will dismiss Dharmendra Pradhan at the earliest, or that he will resign, so that we can bring this matter to ​a conclusion.” Minister Nadda said the talks were cordial. “They had three main demands. We have told them we will meet you tomorrow afternoon and discuss the demands,” he said. Scattered protests across the country Besides the resignation of Pradhan, CJP wants police cases filed against protesters dropped, and compensation paid to families of more than a dozen students who local media reported took their own lives after the exam paper leak in ​May. Although the protesters agreed to hold talks, they had also called for nationwide demonstrations on Friday over alleged police brutality against protesters who marched on parliament on Monday. While thousands ​of protesters continued to gather at the main protest site of Jantar Mantar in central Delhi, there were reports of scattered protests across the country. Students, youth activists and opposition supporters staged protests in ‌the states ⁠of West Bengal, Telangana, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, holding placards demanding Pradhan’s resignation and boycotting classes in some places, local media reported. People gather in solidarity with Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protests held at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, which demand the resignation of India’s Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over exam paper leaks, in Kolkata, India on July 24, 2026. — Reuters Parliament was disrupted and suspended again on Friday as opposition lawmakers also demanded Pradhan’s resignation, with no business conducted for the entire week. The protests by CJP began as an online satire and involved only a few hundred young people when they were first launched. But they grew to pull in millions of online followers when a national medical school entrance test was cancelled in May because the question paper was leaked ​earlier, affecting about 2 million students. Tens of thousands ​of supporters of the movement marched on ⁠parliament in violation of a ban on Monday and clashed with police when they were pushed back with tear gas and beaten with batons. Metro stations shut, mobile internet blocked again The movement’s surge in popularity reflects frustrations among young Indians over issues such as job shortages, as ​well as frequent exam leaks, analysts say. The Delhi Metro Rail Corp. shut down 17 stations in and around central Delhi on Friday, ​the third time this week ⁠it resorted to such a large-scale closure of the system, which is the lifeline of the capital. The government extended a mobile internet shutdown in the area until midnight on Friday, two industry sources told Reuters. The government also defended surveillance by police at the protest site, saying in court that there was no right to privacy in a public space when there is a ⁠legitimate state interest. Youth-led, ​street protests in neighbouring Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal have brought down governments in recent years. Although national elections ​are due only by April 2029, key states like the most populous, Uttar Pradesh, run by Modi’s party, his home state of Gujarat, and Punjab, vote next year and anti-government sentiment could have an impact, analysts say.

Two decades of mass protests in India

Thousands of supporters of India’s youth-led “cockroach” movement have been protesting since June, demanding the education minister resign over exam paper leaks, in the biggest challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his third term. Activists say the leaks showed widespread corruption, a complaint which has brought crowds onto the streets for years. Following are details of major rallies, triggered by graft and other crimes and causes, over the past two decades. April 2011 Anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare started the first of two hunger strikes in a bid to push the government to bring in anti-graft legislation. Hundreds of thousands rallied to his support across the country and he was briefly jailed by the then-Congress alliance government. India’s parliament eventually passed an anti-graft law, though Hazare said it watered down his demands. Some of his supporters went on to form the Aam Aadmi Party in 2012, now one of Modi’s opponents in parliament. December 2012 Public fury over the gang-rape of a young woman on a moving bus in New Delhi erupted into mass protests in the capital. Crowds blockaded roads, broke through police lines in street confrontations and called for an overhaul of a system and a society they said had failed to tackle violence against women. Many demanded the culprits be executed. The 23-year-old woman died in a Singapore hospital a few days after the attack. In response, India amended laws to expand the definition of sexual assault and set up fast-track courts to speed up trials in such cases. December 2019 India’s parliament passed a new citizenship law that brought hundreds of thousands of people to the streets in protests and triggered bouts of sectarian violence that killed at least 76 people. The Citizenship Amendment Act aimed to fast-track citizenship for Hindus, Parsis, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and Christians who arrived in India on or before December 31, 2014 from neighbouring Muslim-majority Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Critics said the law, alongside a proposed national register of citizens, discriminated against Muslims and violated the spirit of India’s secular constitution. Some feared the government would remove the citizenship of Muslims without documents in some border states. India implemented the law in March 2024. September 2020 Thousands of farmers blocked roads and railway tracks in protests against new legislation that they say could pave the way for the government to stop buying grain at guaranteed prices, leaving them at the mercy of private buyers. Modi’s government defended the bills, saying they would help rid India’s vast agriculture sector of antiquated laws and allow farmers to sell to institutional buyers and big retailers. The protests lasted more than a year before Modi repealed the laws. June 2022 An overhaul of military recruitment, designed to bring in fitter, younger troops and reduce pension expenditure, triggered rail blockades and protests across the country. Recruits, veterans and opposition leaders objected to the introduction of fixed four-year contracts, saying people would struggle to get other jobs once their service was over. Modi’s government refused to roll back the programme but offered instead to reserve 10 per cent of state vacancies for those who had served the four years. August 2024 Thousands of doctors took to the streets for months after the rape and murder of a trainee doctor in a government hospital in the eastern city of Kolkata. Protesters demanded safer workplaces, a crackdown on violence against women and a swift investigation into the attack.

Modi vows punishment for exam fraud in first comments on Indian student protests

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi vowed on Thursday “stringent punishment” for those involved in exam fraud that has fuelled student anger, in his first direct comments tied to major protests challenging his government. The comments came after thousands of protesters, led by the social media-driven Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) movement, rallied in New Delhi on Wednesday, triggering fresh clashes with the police. “Nothing is more important than the welfare and future of our youth,” he said in a post on X, promising to set up fast-track courts to punish those involved in question paper leaks. “Those who try to harm the future of our youth will not be spared,” he added. The protesters, mostly young students, have been demanding the resignation of the education minister over exam paper leaks since last month. Protests snowballed on Monday after police fired tear gas and baton-charged tens of thousands of demonstrators as they tried to march to parliament on the opening day of the monsoon session. As tensions escalated, protesters responded by hurling stones, marking the largest street rally in the capital in about five years. At least 178 people, including security personnel, were injured in the violence, according to the police. The CJP, which has millions of followers on social media, emerged in May initially as a satirical response to Chief Justice Surya Kant reportedly likening young people to “cockroaches” and “parasites” during a court hearing. The movement has since broadened its agenda to include concerns over unemployment, opportunities for young people and what it describes as Modi’s increasingly authoritarian style of governance. The protests have emerged as one of the biggest challenges to Hindu-nationalist Modi since his re-election for a third term in office in 2024. A series of exam irregularities have undermined trust in India’s testing system, including the leak of a medical entrance question paper that forced more than two million candidates to retake the test. Another dispute involving the online marking of examinations taken by nearly two million high school students has further fuelled public anger.

US-China trade war reaches India’s streets as Modi weighs risks of Washington bet

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is facing mounting domestic backlash over a potential trade deal with the United States that would place India at the centre of US President Donald Trump’s efforts to redirect agricultural exports displaced by the US-China trade conflict, raising fresh questions about New Delhi’s broader strategic alignment with Washington against Beijing. Thousands of farmers from the northern state of Punjab marched towards Delhi on Tuesday to oppose what they described as a...

Food, fury and supporters near and far keep India protest alive

A steady stream of food delivery riders carrying meals, snacks and bottled water is helping sustain a youth-led protest movement that has sprung up in the heart of India’s capital. Motorcycles weave through traffic before pulling up beside clusters of volunteers, ferrying donations from supporters across India and abroad unable to join a rare display of public dissent against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government. “From Kerala to the USA, orders are coming from everywhere,” said rider Suraj Kumar, 25, sitting atop his motorcycle with a bag of kachoris, a popular deep-fried snack, as some volunteers climbed over police barricades to take delivery of the packages. A volunteer took the packet and passed it hand-to-hand towards the centre of the protest site a few hundred metres away around Delhi’s Jantar Mantar observatory, where hundreds of people gathered around a raised platform. There, leaders of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), a movement that began as online satire in May, demanded the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over repeated test paper leaks. They have been there since last month, but the protest gained momentum only in recent days after a prominent activist began an indefinite hunger strike in support. Protest sustained by ‘people’s kindness’, says student The encampment has endured despite a major police crackdown on Monday, when tens of thousands of mostly young people tried to march on parliament. Indians under 30 are estimated to make up more than half of the country’s 1.42 billion population, and many have long complained that years of strong economic growth have failed to create enough jobs. “People are angry, especially after the police started beating innocent students. But not everyone can come here so they are sending food,” said Raj Rathore, 25, a volunteer who has spent the past few days unloading and distributing deliveries including water bottles, fruit and biscuits. Those contributions, along with volunteer-run support networks, have helped keep the protest running around the clock, students said. “This protest is running purely because of people’s kindness, and the fact that we are all united,” said Rina Rawat, a Delhi University student herding people into queues inside the protest site. Rawat, 20, was struck on her left leg by police batons on Monday but returned the next day to “do her duty”, she said. Protest features rare open criticism of Modi Modi has not directly commented on the protests, though a minister said after a meeting of the ruling coalition that the premier had told them the “strongest possible steps are being taken to protect the interest of the students”. Pradhan promised “answers, reforms and accountability”. At the protest site, the number of protesters swelled to 5,000 by late afternoon on Wednesday despite intermittent monsoon showers. Most were Gen Z students carrying placards, blasting patriotic Bollywood songs and chanting slogans. “Modi, we won’t tolerate your autocracy,” shouted a protester as the crowd cheered, a rare sight under a leader who has dominated Indian politics since taking power in 2014. “I was a Modi supporter until 10 days ago,” said Mukesh, who declined to give his second name. “But when I saw the police brutality, I was shocked.” Young doctors, medical students provide first aid, medicines Pharmacy workers arrive to deliver medical supplies to Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) supporters during their ongoing protest demanding the resignation of India’s Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over alleged NEET exam irregularities, near the Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on July 22, 2026. — AFP Volunteers cleared puddles and collected garbage while others used hand-held fans to keep protesters cool in the humidity. A medical stall staffed by volunteer doctors and medical students has operated at the site for about a month. Volunteers said they had been especially busy over the past two days. “We are providing first aid and medicines for dizziness and nausea, said Bhavna, 23, who did not want to share her last name. “We too have suffered because of paper leaks, the anxiety that gives you is enormous. Many protesters drew inspiration from India’s independence movement, carrying portraits of revolutionary Bhagat Singh, holding copies of the Constitution and handing out roses. Others donned Spider-Man masks and held slogans describing themselves as “baddies”. Nearby, 19-year-old Arpita Verma said “there’s been too much Hindu-Muslim politics in India”, referring to sharper religious divisions under Modi’s party that draws support mainly from the Hindu majority. But we have no space for that here now we are united by a common cause, and we are not afraid at all.

Under soaring pressure after 'cockroach' movement protests, India's education minister promises reforms, debate

India’s education minister said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration was committed to addressing the concerns of protesting youth and exam reforms, in the latest sign that the government was beginning to respond to growing protests. The comments by Dharmendra Pradhan are his first since the youth-led “cockroach” movement launched a protest in New Delhi last month seeking his resignation over the leak of medical school test papers that affected some two million students and was linked to several student suicides. The protests by the self-named Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) — which began as an online satire — involved a few hundred young people when they were first launched. This week, the movement has grown into the biggest youth challenge to Modi in his third term as the prime minister as tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Delhi on Monday, clashing with police who used tear gas and batons to push them back. The protests gained further momentum on Tuesday when the main opposition Congress party, led by Rahul Gandhi, launched a sit-in outside the gates leading to Modi’s residence. Gandhi, his sister Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and several other senior opposition leaders were detained by police after they refused to end their protest, but were released late on Tuesday. “Our government remains 100 per cent committed to discussing NEET and addressing every genuine concern of our youth on the floor of the house,” Pradhan said in a post on X late on Tuesday, referring to the medical school entrance test. “The students of India deserve far better than being treated as props in a political campaign,” he said, referring to Gandhi’s protest. “We owe our students more than outrage. We owe them answers, reforms and accountability. That is exactly what our government remains committed to delivering,” he added. Pradhan’s comments follow those by Modi on Tuesday — his first on the issue — who vowed to punish those behind the exam leaks and also called on his lawmakers to help create a foolproof exam system. Separately, Health Minister JP Nadda held talks with CJP leaders on Monday for the first time and assured them the government would consider their demands. Gandhi demands debate in Parliament Youth anger and protests over the exams have become the biggest challenge for the prime minister in his third term. The CJP’s surge in popularity reflects frustrations among young Indians over issues such as job shortages, as well as exam leaks, which they say happen frequently. It has also given opposition parties a rare opening to pressure Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), who count young voters as a core base and have won a series of state elections since a shock result in the 2024 election, when Modi did not win an outright parliamentary majority. “Why is the Indian education system collapsing? Why are papers leaking? Why is education so expensive in India? Why do families have to destroy themselves financially to educate their children?” Gandhi said in a video message recorded while he was in detention at a Delhi stadium on Tuesday night. “These are legitimate questions. And there’s absolutely nothing wrong with asking these questions,” he said. Gandhi said the students’ issues should be debated in parliament on Wednesday and Modi should apologise to the students for the police action on Monday and begin reforms to the examination and education systems as soon as possible. The CJP movement gained momentum from the support of activist Sonam Wangchuk, who began a hunger strike on June 28, but was forcibly moved to a hospital by police on Saturday. On Tuesday, he was moved to a private hospital following a court order in response to a petition from his wife that alleged he had been illegally detained.