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İsrail'in ABD askeri yardımını azaltma çabası ittifakların zayıfladığına işaret ediyor

Özet · AI üretimi

İsrail'in Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nden aldığı askeri yardımı aşamalı olarak azaltma yönündeki girişimleri, Washington'ın 'Önce Amerika' politikasının ittifak ilişkilerinde yarattığı gerilemenin bir göstergesi olarak değerlendiriliyor. Pekin Üniversitesi HSBC İşletme Okulu Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Enstitüsü Direktörü Zhu Zhaoyi'nin South China Morning Post'ta yayımlanan yorumuna göre, artan maliyetler ve stratejik önceliklerdeki değişimler gibi etkenler, İsrail'i kendi savunma kapasitesini güçlendirmeye iterken, ABD'nin müttefiklerine verdiği desteğin sorgulanmasına yol açıyor. Zhu'nun analizi, küresel güç dinamiklerindeki dönüşümün bir yansıması olarak, ABD odaklı güvenlik şemsiyesine olan bağımlılığın azaldığını ve ülkelerin daha bağımsız savunma politikaları geliştirme eğiliminde olduğunu öne sürüyor. İsrail örneği, özellikle askeri yardım konusunda uzun süredir devam eden stratejik ortaklıkların, ekonomik gerçekler ve ideolojik yönelimler karşısında nasıl yeniden şekillenebileceğini ortaya koyuyor. Bu durum, yalnızca Ortadoğu'daki dengeleri değil, Washington'ın küresel ittifak ağının geleceğini de etkileme potansiyeli taşıyor.

Başlangıç 16 Haz 13:18 4 olay Güncellendi 2 gün önce
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  1. Güvenlik16 Haz 13:18

    How Israel’s exit from US aid signals wider decline in Washington’s alliances

    Washington, ABD

    Israel’s efforts to phase out American military aid signal the decline of US alliances under the demands of Washington’s “America first” position, according to a prominent Chinese international relations analyst. Zhu Zhaoyi, executive director of the Institute of Middle East Studies at Peking University HSBC Business School, wrote in a commentary published on Monday that factors such as rising financial pressures had fuelled an “America first” approach that demanded Washington’s allies shoulder...

    South China Morning Post
  2. Diplomatik17 Haz 04:05

    What would happen if US actually cut off military aid to Israel?

    Washington, ABD

    As Israeli officials lash out against a preliminary deal to end the war in Iran, President Donald Trump is returning the favor. “I'm not happy with the way Israel has handled themselves with Lebanon,” Trump said Tuesday. “Israel would have been blown up a long time ago had I not gotten involved.” The comments represent a nadir in U.S.-Israel relations under Trump. The dispute is fundamental. Trump is determined to end the war with Iran, and Iran has made clear that a peace deal is only possible if Israel halts its operations against Hezbollah, an Iranian ally, in Lebanon. A purported leak of this week’s memorandum of understanding between the U.S. and Iran explicitly states that the war in Lebanon must end as part of a broader deal. Israel, for its part, believes its interests are best served by continued war with both Hezbollah and Iran, and it’s insisting that it won’t be bound by the terms of any deal negotiated between Tehran and Washington alone. The only way to reconcile these positions is for one of the three countries to swallow a seemingly unpalatable compromise. In other words, if the U.S. wants to get its way, then it’ll have to do something it has long avoided: force Israel to back down using America’s extraordinary leverage over the country, including the roughly $4 billion in military aid the U.S. gives Israel each year. At this stage, there is little indication that Trump is willing to take this step. But, given the rapidly increasing public support for ending weapons sales to Israel, it’s worth asking the question: what would happen if the U.S. cut off all military support for Israel? Let’s start with Lebanon. Military experts say a U.S. aid cutoff would slow but not end Israeli operations in the country. The most immediate impact would be to Israel’s fighter jet fleet, which relies on U.S. weapons companies for maintenance. Israeli F-35s, for example, “would probably not be able to operate for more than a month or at most two months without spare parts,” said Josh Paul, who served for more than a decade in the State Department bureau that oversees U.S. weapons transfers. Israel’s stockpiles of air-to-ground missiles and air-defense munitions would allow it to continue its campaign in the short to medium term. But, given how many of those weapons are produced in the U.S., Israel would soon have to make difficult choices about where to focus its military efforts. Pro-Israel analysts are acutely aware of this fact; as two writers at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies wrote in 2024, Israel needs to build up its own military industry if it wants to “fight enduring battles on multiple fronts.” An accounting of U.S. aid to Israel since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attacks helps to demonstrate this dynamic. Over the past three years, the U.S. has given Israel roughly $12.5 billion in supplemental military aid, on top of the usual $3.8 billion that Israel receives each year. This assistance includes roughly 90,000 tons of military equipment and munitions, which make up a “significant component” of Israel’s operational readiness, according to the Israeli defense ministry. This rapid influx of weapons, in addition to direct support from the U.S. military, has enabled Israel to simultaneously pursue ambitious campaigns in Gaza, Lebanon and Iran. Even a threat to cut off this aid would “send a clear signal to Israel that this guarantee of an American rescue is no longer there, which would fundamentally alter their calculus,” said Jon Hoffman of the Cato Institute. Hoffman emphasized that Israeli forces are “capable of defending themselves” without U.S. help; however, they rely on U.S. assistance to backstop their “expansionist policies” in the region, he said. The extent to which Israel would have to prioritize would depend on how far the U.S. is willing to go in reducing aid. Iran proved earlier this month that it is willing to strike Israel directly in retaliation for Israeli attacks in Lebanon. If the Trump administration pledged to not defend Israel from Iranian attacks, then Israeli policymakers would have to reckon with the possibility of fighting both Iran and Hezbollah by themselves amid reports of dwindling Israeli stockpiles of missile interceptors. They may well conclude that the war in Lebanon is not worth the risk. And this only points to the military leverage that the U.S. has over Israel. American diplomatic support provides another key pressure point. Without it, Tel Aviv would have little to shield it from criticism at the United Nations or in other international institutions. As with all hypotheticals, this builds on some fraught assumptions. One is that Iran would be willing to restart a war with Israel even as it seeks a peace deal with the U.S. Another is that the Trump administration, or any future administration, would be willing to fend off critiques from pro-Israel voices within the U.S., many of whom remain influential in government, think tanks and media. But the bottom line is that cutting off U.S. aid would force Israel to focus more on defending its own territory (and maintaining control in Gaza and the West Bank) than fighting wars abroad. Recognizing the looming threat to Israel’s forward-leaning security strategy, Israeli leaders and their allies are pushing hard to increase their own leverage. Among their most ambitious efforts in this regard are a pair of recent measures in must-pass bills that would more deeply “entrench” Israel in “the machinery of America's defense industrial base and its intelligence community,” Paul said. If these provisions become law, then even an Israel skeptic in the White House would struggle to fully unravel the U.S.-Israeli security relationship. Even as these measures move through Congress, Trump still has an opportunity to press Israel to go along with his Iran peace deal and end the war in Lebanon. Short of cutting off aid, he could take a hard line in negotiations over a new memorandum of understanding between the U.S. and Israel, which will likely commit Washington to another decade of subsidizing Israel’s military. Trump does not have a silver bullet for forcing Israel to go along with a peace deal with Iran. But he does have an extraordinary amount of leverage — if he’s willing to use it.

    Responsible Statecraft
  3. Diplomatik17 Haz 14:58

    The US wants to end aid to Israel but replace it with something worse

    Washington, ABD

    Americans’ support for Israel is declining at an unprecedented pace in the wake of U.S.-backed atrocities in Gaza, its invasion of Lebanon, and the U.S.-Israel war with Iran. So it’s hardly surprising that Washington is moving to end U.S. military aid to the country. What might surprise Americans, however, is that this plan is backed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and some of the loudest pro-Israel hawks in Congress. Why, exactly? Because the ongoing effort to “end” U.S. military aid to Israel is not actually a plan to end American backing for Israeli aggression in the Middle East. It’s part of a broader plan to shield the U.S.-Israeli relationship from public scrutiny and congressional oversight by moving it into the black-box bureaucracies of the Pentagon and the intelligence community. On the latest episode of Always at War, we break down two pieces of legislation, tucked into Congress’ “must pass” national security bills, that would further integrate the U.S. and Israel’s military and intelligence operations, while putting this cooperation and collaboration out of sight for most Americans. The first is the "US-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative," which would replace annual votes on military aid with a durable fusing of the U.S. and Israeli military sectors by embedding Israeli technology into U.S. defense supply chains and installing a dedicated Pentagon official whose sole job is to push for deeper integration. The second is the “United States-Israel Intelligence Sharing Enhancement,” introduced by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), which would legally require the president to expand intelligence sharing with Israel at the very moment the Defense Department has raised its counterintelligence threat assessment of Israel to its highest level ever. Eighty-four percent of Americans want restrictions on U.S. support for Israel. But the Washington war party’s answer isn't to listen to their constituents’ concerns; it’s to move our dysfunctional relationship with Israel out of sight. Will Americans really be fooled by this slight-of-hand? Not if we can help it!

    Responsible Statecraft
  4. Güvenlik18 Haz 04:00

    ABD–İsrail hattı kopuyor

    Washington, ABD

    İran ile ABD’nin anlaşması Washington-Tel Aviv arasındaki ipleri kopma noktasına getirdi. İsrail’in peşinden savaşa girmenin pişmanlığını yaşayan Trump cephesi, Netanyahu yönetimine karşı tavır alıyorDevamı için tıklayınız

    Sabah – Dünya

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