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İran Savaşı Ortadoğu'da Dengeleri Değiştiriyor: Türkiye'nin Rolü Büyüyor

Özet · AI üretimi

İran savaşı, Ortadoğu'da siyasi dengeleri temelden sarsarak bölgesel statükoyu altüst ediyor. Bu süreçte Türkiye'nin rolü de yeniden tanımlanıyor. Chatham House uzmanlarına göre, Ankara'nın Körfez ülkeleriyle derinleşen ilişkileri ve ticaret rotalarının muhtemel değişimi, Türkiye'nin bölgesel konumunu güçlendirecek unsurlar arasında yer alıyor. Çatışma ortamı, enerji ve lojistik hatlarının yeniden şekillenmesine neden olurken, Türkiye hem kriz yönetiminde hem de diplomatik girişimlerde merkezi bir aktör haline geliyor. Genişleyen nüfuz, Ankara'ya Ortadoğu'nun geleceğinde daha belirleyici bir rol kazandırabilir.

Başlangıç 04 Haz 16:21 2 olay Güncellendi 03 Haz
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  1. Diplomatik04 Haz 16:21

    As Iran war reshapes the Middle East, Turkey’s regional role looks set to expand

    ABD

    As Iran war reshapes the Middle East, Turkey’s regional role looks set to expand Expert comment LToremark 4 June 2026 Ankara’s deepening relations with Gulf countries and a potential rerouting of trade are among the factors likely to benefit Turkey. The Iran war is fundamentally redefining politics in the Middle East and upending the regional status quo. It is also redefining Turkey’s role within the region, which presents both challenges and opportunities for Ankara. For Turkey, the worst-case scenario was and is that Israel would seek to engineer state collapse in Iran, the fallout of which would consume both Iran and its neighbours for many years to come. It would pave the way for proxy conflicts, a refugee crisis and state fragmentation – and bring the Kurdish dimension of the war to the fore. This outcome would also further embolden Israel – with US backing – to continue its efforts to reshape the region on its own terms. But so far, Iran’s endurance has prevented Turkey’s worst fears from materializing. Related work Why are Middle Eastern governments lobbying against a US attack on Iran? At this stage, Turkey has two interrelated concerns. One, Turkey wants to prevent a return to war, but it is also worried about what it sees as Iran’s attempt to rewrite the rules of the game in the Gulf. For example, Iran’s new transit rules for the Strait of Hormuz could effectively give Iran significant influence over Gulf states’ security as well as their economy. Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan has called for a return to the pre-war status quo in Hormuz, warning the new regulation could become a ‘new source’ of conflict. Plus, Turkey believes that Iran’s actions here will push Gulf states closer to the US and Israel. However, the war also presents Ankara with opportunities in the shape of an expanded regional role: in defence industry and security partnerships; in regional connectivity and trade route redesign; and through regional alignments. Defence industry This war has brought the question of security to the forefront of policy conversations and considerations in the Gulf and the wider region. Although there is not yet an alternative to the US security umbrella, it has failed to provide the security that Gulf states wanted. For many countries in the Middle East – not least those of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – the US is indispensable, but also unreliable and coercive at the same time. However, despite their mixed feelings and discontent, Gulf countries will have no choice but to double down on their relations with the US. This will only be reinforced by Iran’s actions and attempts to rewrite the rules of the game in the Gulf. At the same time, Gulf states will also gradually seek to diversify their security partnerships and defence industry cooperation, as a hedging strategy against over-dependence on the US in this area. However, they will be cautious about engaging in such partnerships with US adversaries to avoid incurring the wrath of Washington. This is probably good news for Turkey, a country with a growing defence industry – and on good terms with the US and President Donald Trump – to further expand its security and defence industry cooperation with Gulf states. This cooperation is unlikely to be confined to purchases of Turkish weapons or drone systems; it will likely also include joint production agreements, joint investments, and technology and knowledge transfers. Trade routes and regional connectivity The Hormuz crisis has brought the question of rerouting trade corridors and redesigning connectivity to the top of regional and international agendas. Turkey is well-positioned to benefit from such shifts. The wider Middle East and beyond have seen an increasing number of connectivity projects aimed at rerouting trade and redesigning supply chains, such as China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) – whose prospects are dimming following the Gaza and Iran wars – and the now-defunct Eastern Mediterranean Pipeline project. Turkey already plays a central role in two such projects: the Iraq Development Road project and the Middle Corridor. These strategic connectivity projects are not only redesigning supply-chains and rerouting trade, but they also redefine the geopolitics of the concerned regions. Related work Talk of a Turkish military alliance with Saudi Arabia and Pakistan reflects Ankara’s opportunistic ‘hedging’ strategy Turkey and its partners should consider ways to further boost the prospects of Ankara-supported connectivity projects. For example, bringing Syria on board with the Iraq Development Road project would provide an even shorter route to the Mediterranean, while bringing Armenia on board with the Middle Corridor would strengthen the ongoing normalization process between Turkey, Azerbaijan and Armenia. In the post-Iran war era, Turkey and regional states are likely to engage in even more dialogue on trade corridors and transport connectivity. For example, the Hejaz Railway project – a prospective land corridor between the Gulf and Europe, which will connect Turkey, Syria, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, – is already attracting interest. New regional alignments The Iran war is also triggering or accelerating the formation of new regional alignments and groupings. The quartet comprising Turkey, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Egypt is a case in point, although it is more of a platform than a pact. Ankara wants it to remain open to including more countries to avoid counter-alignment groups from forming, which can lead to more regional rivalries and fragmentation. Although individual members of this group, such as Pakistan and Turkey, have assumed active roles to find a diplomatic settlement to end the war, the quartet itself is primarily designed to address post-war regional geopolitics and security.

    Chatham House – Expert comment
  2. Güvenlik03 Haz 09:27

    Africa: Cost of Middle East War Harshly Impacting Children in Africa, Globally - UN Agency

    ABD

    [allAfrica] Geneva -- The war launched in the Middle East by the United States is nearly 100 days old, and the fallout extends far beyond the region, with the cost of vaccines impacting children across Africa and globally, says the United Nations.

    AllAfrica – Conflict, Peace and Security

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