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Hamas, İsrail'i ateşkesi baltalamakla suçladı; çadır kampa saldırıda 5 ölü

Hamas, İsrail'in Gazze kentindeki bir çadır kampına düzenlediği ve en az beş kişinin ölümüne yol açan saldırıyı kınayarak, bunun ateşkes anlaşmasını sabote etme girişimi olduğunu öne sürdü. Örgüt, saldırıyı 'yerinden edilmiş Filistinlilere yönelik bir katliam' olarak nitelendirdi ve sivillere karşı savaşın tırmandığını savundu. İsrail'in saldırısı, uzun süredir kırılgan bir şekilde devam eden ateşkes müzakerelerinin gölgesinde gerçekleşti. Hamas'ın suçlaması, diplomatik çabaların zora girdiği bir dönemde taraflar arasındaki güvenin daha da aşınma riskini ortaya koyuyor. Bu gelişme, çatışmaların insani boyutunu bir kez daha gözler önüne sererken, uluslararası toplumun bölgedeki tansiyonu düşürme çabalarına rağmen sahada şiddetin arttığına işaret ediyor. Saldırıda hayatını kaybedenler arasında kadın ve çocukların bulunduğu belirtilirken, olayın ateşkes sürecini daha da karmaşık hale getirmesi bekleniyor.

Başlangıç 06 Haz 16:58 6 olay Güncellendi 5 gün önce
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  1. Güvenlik06 Haz 16:58

    Hamas says Israel is trying to wreck Gaza ceasefire deal

    Filistin

    Hamas says Israel is trying to wreck Gaza ceasefire deal Hamas has condemned Israel’s attack on a tent camp in Gaza City that killed at least five people this afternoon, calling it another massacre against displaced Palestinians. “The Israeli occupation committed a horrific massacre against children and women … in a continued escalation of its war of extermination against civilians,” Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said in a statement shared on Telegram. Qassem said the attack came as talks were taking place in Cairo on implementing the US-brokered Gaza “ceasefire” agreement. Israel has repeatedly bombed Gaza since the deal came into force last year, turning the so-called truce into another instrument of pressure on Palestinians. “This confirms that the occupation is working to undermine and destroy the agreement,” the statement said.

    Middle East Eye
  2. Güvenlik07 Haz 08:34

    Israel claims killing of Hamas commander in southern Gaza

    Filistin

    Israel claims killing of Hamas commander in southern Gaza The Israeli army says that its forces killed a Hamas commander allegedly among those who participated in the attack on southern Israel on 7 October. In a post on X, the military said it struck and killed Sakr Abu Karim in southern Gaza, a commander in Hamas's Nukhba Force who they say helmed the raid in the Kissufim area on October 7, 2023. It added that another Hamas member who served as a “communications operative” was also killed in the attack.

    Middle East Eye
  3. Güvenlik08 Haz 01:45

    Israel kills nine in Gaza amid efforts to salvage ceasefire deal

    Filistin

    • Steps up attacks aga­inst police headquarters and per­­s­onnel CAIRO: Israeli strikes on a Ham­as-run police station and a vehicle in the Gaza Strip killed at least nine people and wounded 20 others, health officials said, as mediators began new efforts to salvage a fragile US-brokered ceasefire deal. One strike hit a police post adjacent to a large tent encampment of displaced families in Khan Yunis in the south of the enclave, killing five people and wounding 16 others, medics said. They did not say how many of the casualties were police. Israel has stepped up attacks aga­inst police headquarters and per­­s­onnel in the past several mo­n­ths, killing dozens of them, according to Hamas security officials. Later on Sunday, another Israeli airstrike killed four people and wounded four others when it hit a vehicle driving through the middle of Gaza City, medics said. The Israeli military did not imm­e­diately comment on the incidents. Major fighting has been paused since October under a ceasefire after two years of war, but no agreement has been reached to implement a further US-backed plan for Israeli troops to withdraw, Hamas to disarm and Gaza to be rebuilt. Israeli troops still control more than half of Gaza’s territory, where they have ordered residents out and destroyed remaining buildings. Nearly the entire population of 2 million now lives in a tiny strip of land along the coast, mainly in makeshift tents or damaged buildings, under Hamas control. Hamas’ nearly 10,000 police offi­c­ers have emerged as a sticking point in talks to advance Trump’s plan for Gaza. Hamas wants them included in a new police force; Israel rejects a role for any Hamas-affiliated personnel. Egypt began hosting a new round of truce talks with leaders from Hamas and other Palestinian factions, sources from Hamas and other sources close to the negotiations said. The talks are expected to last for a few days. Israel and Hamas have repeatedly accused each other of violating the truce. Israeli strikes in Gaza have killed more than 950 Pales­tinians since the start of the truce, while Palestinian attacks have killed four Israeli soldiers. Last year’s deal established a Board of Peace led by Trump to oversee a phased ceasefire and was ratified by the United Nations Security Council. Hamas told envoys from the Board and mediators Egypt, Qatar and Turkiye that ending Israeli attacks in Gaza was essential for any progress, sources from the group and officials close to the talks said. Hazem Qassem, a Hamas spokesperson in Gaza, said on Sunday the group was open to ideas that would lead to ending Israeli attacks in Gaza and reaching common ground over issues of the second phase of the Trump plan. But he said the Board of Peace should stop being “biased” towards Israel.­ Published in Dawn, June 8th, 2026

    Dawn – World
  4. Güvenlik08 Haz 10:23

    Israel kills 14 people in attacks across Gaza

    Filistin

    Israel killed at least 14 people in Gaza on Sunday in strikes across Khan Younis, Gaza City, and Deir el-Balah.

    Al Jazeera – All
  5. Güvenlik09 Haz 10:22

    Israel kills 8 more Palestinians in Gaza attacks despite ceasefire

    Filistin

    At least 978 Palestinians killed, 3,097 injured in Israeli attacks since ceasefire, Health Ministry says

    Anadolu Agency – Current NewsThe Express Tribune – Latest
  6. Diplomatik08 Haz 04:05

    Gaza and its people may not survive this phase of ceasefire

    Filistin

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced late last month that he had ordered the Israeli military to seize 70% of the Gaza Strip. Under President Donald Trump’s 20-point ceasefire plan, Israeli forces were required to withdraw to a zone encompassing roughly 50% of Gaza’s territory, demarcated by the so-called Yellow Line, ahead of further withdrawals in the future. Instead of retreating, however, the Israeli army has steadily expanded its area of control, which now stands at roughly 60% of Gaza, while leveling the areas under its occupation to the ground. Indeed, despite a so-called ceasefire, Israel continues to carry out near daily attacks on Gaza — at least 932 people have been called since the ceasefire was announced — while heavily restricting the entry of aid. So what does it mean to squeeze more than two million people into 30% of the already tiny Gaza Strip? It is a direct and deliberate policy of slow death, one that forces the population into an overcrowded and ever-shrinking open-air prison that lacks even the most basic conditions to sustain life. The plan Israel is implementing in Gaza is not the Trump Plan but a plan to make Gaza permanently uninhabitable. Prior to the war, the Gaza Strip had an area of about 140 square miles and a population of roughly 2.2 million people, making it one of the most densely populated territories in the world. If around 2 million people are squeezed into only 30% of the territory, density rises to more than 46,000 people per square mile; if the full pre-war population is counted, it approaches 52,000. These basic figures are consistent with the World Bank's latest rapid damage and needs assessment (RDNA) and with the wider demographic reality of Gaza before the war. For comparison, population density per square mile is about 230 people in Morocco, 320 in Egypt, 100 in the United States, 390 in China, 750 in the United Kingdom, around 1300 in India, and about 1000 in Belgium. Even before the war, Gaza’s population density already exceeded any of these at 16,000 people per square mile. What is being imposed now is the compression of an entire society into a space that can no longer support life, services, dignity, or social order. This is nothing short of demographic suffocation. The Israeli plan for controlling 70% of the territory — up from 50% in October 2025 — will turn the remaining 30% into a pressure cooker. The occupied and inaccessible areas include much of Gaza’s agricultural land, especially around Beit Hanoun, Beit Lahia, Deir al-Balah, Khan Younis and Rafah. These lands are Gaza’s food basket. They also include water wells, desalination projects, wastewater facilities, roads, warehouses and open public land needed for future expansion. The U.N. summary of the RDNA estimates recovery and reconstruction needs at $71.4 billion, including major needs in agriculture, health, education and sanitation. But without land, even the best-funded reconstruction plan becomes a spreadsheet without geography. The humanitarian reality is already catastrophic. According to the RDNA, more than 1.9 million Palestinians have been internally displaced, many several times, and more than 1.2 million people have lost their homes. Fewer than half of hospitals and less than 38% of primary healthcare centers are even partially functional. Around 728,000 school-aged children and youth have been out of formal education for more than two years. At least 41,844 people are estimated to be living with life-changing injuries requiring long-term rehabilitation, and over 68 million metric tonnes of debris must be removed. Under these conditions, the absence of cemeteries is one of the cruelest indicators of social collapse. Families in Gaza have already been forced to bury their dead in informal graveyards, empty lots and makeshift spaces because major cemeteries were damaged, inaccessible or full. A society that cannot find space to bury its dead cannot be expected to build schools, clinics, playgrounds, water tanks, greenhouses, factories or homes. Even death becomes displaced. This is why the question of land cannot be separated from health, education and social behavior. Gaza’s population grows by roughly 60,000 people each year. Under normal circumstances, the territory would need dozens of new schools annually, additional hospitals and clinics, more cemeteries, more sports facilities, more wastewater treatment capacity, and more public space. Today, Gaza must do all of that while rebuilding hundreds of destroyed or damaged schools and hospitals, tens of thousands of homes, and the economic base that once allowed families to survive without total dependence on aid. The loss of schools is not only an educational problem. Schools regulate time, protect children, transmit civic norms, and give adolescents a reason to imagine a future. When schools disappear, the street, the shelter, the armed group, the black market and the phone screen become alternative institutions. This environment is fertile ground for violence, hatred and extremism — not because Gazans are naturally violent, but because engineered deprivation produces social pathologies. Overcrowded shelters and informal camps concentrate exhausted families in spaces where privacy is absent and resources are scarce. PalThink’s research on displacement and survival in Gaza describes how mass displacement has torn family and neighborhood bonds and replaced many patterns of solidarity. When this condition continues for months and years, it becomes very difficult to contain. The most dangerous outcome is not only humanitarian collapse, but the formation of a generation raised without school, reliable health care, employment, public space, justice institutions, or a credible political horizon. Such a generation will not simply wait patiently for reconstruction conferences. Some will withdraw into despair. Some will search for revenge. Some will be recruited by radical actors. Some will turn against their own society. Others will try to leave. These are the predictable outcomes of compressing life until it becomes unlivable. It is in this light that one should read Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz’s recent calls for “voluntary migration” from Gaza, to be implemented “at the proper time and in the proper manner.” Indeed, Israeli authorities have created an official government agency to advance such departures. The sequencing of Israeli actions suggests clear intent: first make return impossible, then make life unbearable, then present departure as voluntary. If two million people are denied land, water, schools, hospitals, jobs, safe homes and even cemeteries, the final destination will be a mass exodus. The policy conclusion is straightforward. Preventing mass displacement begins with ending the policy of territorial compression inside Gaza. Palestinians must regain access to their land, including agricultural areas, public land and infrastructure sites. Reconstruction must be allowed where people actually lived, not only in overcrowded containment zones. Schools, hospitals, cemeteries, water systems and municipal services must be treated as security infrastructure, because without them no society can remain governable. In 2012, the United Nations warned that Gaza could become unlivable by 2020. That warning now reads like an understatement. Amid the destruction of war, the loss of homes, the collapse of services and the shrinking of available land and resources, Gaza is not merely facing a humanitarian catastrophe but an imposed and politically engineered geography of non-life. The occupation of 70% of the already tiny Gaza Strip is not merely the occupation of land. It is a policy aimed at the destruction of all means of life within a confined enclave. If this continues, the question will not be whether people leave but how many will be forced to choose the sea.

    Responsible Statecraft

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