Yemen Cumhuriyeti Cumhurbaşkanlığı Liderlik Şurası Başkanı
Houthis may meet their match as Yemen slips back into civil war
Yemen’s front lines have barely moved since the 2022 truce, but the war around them is changing. Ballistic missiles and drones are striking far beyond established positions, and forces associated with the internationally recognized, Saudi-backed government are responding more aggressively to infiltrations and military buildups. As commanders review readiness across key fronts, Yemen’s political leadership is signaling that attacks will no longer be absorbed without a response. Together, the developments suggest that the country’s long period of “no war, no peace” may be coming to an end. There has been no ground offensive large enough to redraw the map so far. But war can return gradually as long-range strikes increase, forces reinforce positions and the rules of retaliation begin to change. Mokha: War without taking territory The Port of Mokha stopped operating two weeks ago amid repeated Houthi ballistic missile and drone attacks. Dr. Abdulmalik al-Sharabi, director of the port, said the facility had been hit by more than 35 missile and drone strikes, concentrated on its economic zone, quay, logistics facilities, dredger, central workshop, administrative buildings and employee housing. According to al-Sharabi, 16 people have been killed and 22 wounded, and the port is now closed to maritime traffic. Military information from the western coast puts the number of ballistic missiles and drones launched toward Mokha during the latest escalation at close to 90. The attacks show how the conflict can inflict strategic damage without changing control of territory. The Houthis do not need to seize the port by land to disrupt it. Striking the quay, logistics facilities and equipment can interrupt shipping and trade while imposing economic costs from a distance. A missile explodes in seconds; its economic impact can last far longer. The influence of regional powers has contributed to this shifting picture within Yemen. Saudi Arabia remains the key supporter of Yemen’s internationally recognized government, providing political, financial, development and military backing. Saudi assistance has included support to the Central Bank and government finances to help cover public-sector salaries, while the Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen has funded infrastructure, public services and reconstruction projects. Riyadh also continues to provide military support to forces aligned with the government, including the National Resistance Forces in Mokha and the Nation’s Shield Forces in Hadramout and Marib. The wider confrontation involving Iran has added another layer to the conflict. The Houthis’ close alignment with Tehran means that pressure on Iran and changes in the regional balance of power can reverberate inside Yemen. The recent increase in Houthi missile and drone attacks may therefore reflect both the wider regional escalation and concern that stronger government-aligned forces could launch a broader offensive, prompting the Houthis to intensify attacks in an effort to deter or pre-empt such a move. When the missile misses These deep strikes are extending the geography of danger far beyond the front line. A Houthi ballistic missile recently crashed into a civilian home in al-Akamah village in Maqbanah district, west of Taiz. The home of Abdullah Ahmed al-Jabari was heavily damaged and livestock were killed, although initial information indicated no human casualties. The missile was believed to have come from the direction of Ibb province or Sharab district and may have been heading toward Mokha, according to local residents who spoke on condition of anonymity. The house was in a Houthi-controlled area, underscoring how long-range weapons can endanger civilians even on the launch side when a missile malfunctions or falls short. Taiz: The government's test If Mokha shows the reach of Houthi firepower, Taiz tests whether government forces have become better prepared to contain pressure on the ground. The commander of Yemen’s Fourth Military Region, Maj. Gen. Hamdi Hassan Shukri, recently met Taiz Axis commander Maj. Gen. Khaled Fadhel and unit commanders to review troop deployment, battlefield developments, frontline needs, coordination and permanent readiness. After years of largely fixed front lines, the emphasis is increasingly on unifying efforts, integrating units and responding quickly to battlefield changes, according to Abdulrahman al-Yousifi, official spokesperson for the Taiz Military Axis. Government forces have also been striking Houthi concentrations and buildups on the northern front while confronting infiltration attempts along contact lines. Al-Yousifi said troops have repeatedly prevented Houthi fighters from penetrating their positions and have captured some infiltrators. The military significance of his account lies in the nature of the fight. For now, Taiz is less about gaining territory than preventing the enemy from changing the map. Government forces have improved their ability to detect Houthi reinforcements before they reach an assault position and strike concentrations of enemy troops early, before a local attack becomes a breakthrough. Years of stalemate have also given troops familiarity with roads, mountain approaches and likely infiltration routes. That does not amount to strategic superiority. But it can make government defensive lines harder to break. "The era of aggression without costs is over" The most important change may be political rather than purely military. Rashad al-Alimi, chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council, has said the government did not initiate the escalation but would no longer accept a situation in which the Houthis choose when and where to attack while expecting restraint once government forces respond. “The era of aggression without cost is over,” al-Alimi said. If translated into military policy, that statement could mark a significant change in the rules of engagement. For years, limited attacks were often met with limited responses, allowing both sides to maintain an unstable but contained confrontation. A policy of imposing a cost seeks to deter the other side by convincing it that every attack will carry consequences. But attempts to establish deterrence can backfire. If the government believes stronger retaliation will force the Houthis to step back, while the Houthis believe greater missile pressure will force the government into restraint, both sides could escalate based on incorrect assumptions. The danger may not be that either side has already decided on nationwide war, but that each believes it can escalate without triggering one. The next war may look different A renewed Yemeni war may not resemble the early years of the conflict. Ground offensives will still matter, particularly in strategic areas such as Marib, but fighting may increasingly be shaped by drones, ballistic missiles, artillery and attacks on logistics and economic infrastructure. The critical questions may no longer be only who gains territory, but who can keep ports operating, protect supply routes, replace losses, bring in reinforcements and maintain coordination while several fronts come under pressure. That is why readiness in Taiz, Marib, Hadramout and the western coast matters. The anti-Houthi camp’s central challenge is whether different forces can respond as parts of one military system if several fronts intensify simultaneously. For now, Mokha is the warning and Taiz is the test. Mokha demonstrates how Houthi missiles and drones can impose military, economic and civilian costs without capturing territory. Preparations at Taiz will show whether government forces can turn years of static warfare into stronger defenses and prevent local attacks from becoming strategic breakthroughs. Yemen’s front lines have not moved dramatically yet. But the rules that kept them frozen are beginning to change.
Yemen'de Cepheler Sabit Ama Savaşın Kuralları DeğişiyorItalian Ambassador to Riyadh Presents Credentials to Yemeni President Al-Alimi
(ANSA) - IL CAIRO, 30 LUG - Ambassador Carlo Baldocci in Riyadh today presented his credentials to Rashad Al-Alimi, President of the Republic of Yemen, the head of mission’s secondary country of accreditation in Saudi Arabia. On the sidelines of the ceremony, held in Riyadh, Ambassador Baldocci met with President Al-Alimi and Yemen’s newly appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates, Afrah Abdulaziz Al-Zouba. During the meeting, they emphasized “the value of the deep and historic ties between Italy and Yemen, which will celebrate the centennial of the establishment of bilateral diplomatic relations in 2026.” Ambassador Baldocci reaffirmed Italy’s commitment to regional stability and security, to strengthening Yemeni institutions, and to supporting the people of Yemen. Read article...