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Gulf states talk Trump out of Iran strikes in a show of regional influence

Started 19 May, 17:01 3 events Updated 20 May
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latest: 20 May
  1. Security19 May, 17:01

    Gulf states talk Trump out of Iran strikes in a show of regional influence

    Iran

    Trump said he suspended imminent US military strikes on Iran “for two or three days” after the Gulf states intervened to gain more time due to ongoing negotiations and concerns over Iranian retaliation, with Qatar stating that Gulf leaders are united in trying to avoid a resumption of the war.

    Euronews – International
  2. Diplomatic19 May, 21:14

    'Huge mismatch' between Iran's, US' and Gulf States' expectations, analyst says

    Speaking with FRANCE 24's Sharon Gaffney, H. A. Hellyer, Senior Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies in London, says that "there is a very huge mismatch not just between the expectations of the Iranians and the Americans, but also among Gulf Arab states which will have to live with whatever mess is left after this".

    France 24 – World
  3. Diplomatic20 May, 06:38

    Trump went to Beijing to talk Iran. He came back empty-handed

    Trump went to Beijing to talk Iran. He came back empty-handed Marco Carnelos on Tue, 05/19/2026 - 18:20 While Washington doubles down on military force, Beijing is quietly weaving the Middle East together through infrastructure and diplomacy - on its own terms US President Donald Trump gestures towards Chinese President Xi Jinping while leaving after a visit to the Zhongnanhai Garden in Beijing, China on 15 May, 2026 (Reuters) On On the eve of the 14 May Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, there were understandably high expectations that the two great powers would find common ground on key issues. As Shanghai-based analyst Nelson Wong recently remarked in these pages: "Beneath the polished schedule lies a striking paradox... that would have seemed unthinkable only a decade ago. Today it is China, not the United States, that appears to be carrying the torch for free trade and multilateral cooperation." Between the two sides, it was the United States that arrived making unprecedented and embarrassing demands, pressing China on three fronts: to relax export controls on rare earths, to buy more American agricultural goods, and to help broker an end to the military conflict between Iran and the US-Israeli coalition. Once again, China's position on the Middle East was misunderstood in Washington. Beijing is neither a disinterested, aloof observer merely hunting for energy, nor a revisionist power seeking to dismantle the US-led regional order wholesale. It is methodically constructing an alternative role: that of a stabilising anchor and an economic architect, prioritising development over ideology and reconciliation over confrontation. (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({}); These are aims and concepts that the traditional US foreign policy establishment has always found difficult to grasp - and there is no chance whatsoever that they could become the Trump administration's intellectual heritage. A trinity of principles China's Middle East policy is built on a trinity of strategic concepts: non-interference in internal affairs, the primacy of development in addressing security threats and a balanced diplomacy that refuses to take sides in the region's complex tribal and sectarian landscape. US policy in the region has, for decades, been the exact opposite. How could Trump and his advisers have expected help from Beijing with such mistaken premises? Where the West sees a gridlocked region defined by conflict, China sees a critical node in global connectivity China's posture rests on its long-standing insistence on sovereignty and territorial integrity. Unlike the US, which has historically tied its Middle East engagement to promoting democracy or regime change, China adamantly refuses to lecture regional partners on their internal governance. This is a commercial imperative as much as a philosophical one. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) - Beijing's landmark global infrastructure project - requires a degree of political stability and transactional predictability that regime-change operations inherently destroy. The Trump administration, for its part, has offered everything but predictability. Where the West sees a gridlocked region defined by conflict, China sees a critical node in global connectivity. The region is the "junction box" of the BRI, bridging Asia, Africa and Europe. It is therefore unsurprising that China's primary goal is to de-escalate tensions that threaten cargo routes and energy supplies. This necessarily translates into a foreign policy that decouples trade from politics. Whether dealing with GCC members, Iran or Israel, Chinese officials' message is consistent: we will buy your oil, build your ports and lay your 5G networks - and we will not condition this partnership on how you govern your country or choose your alliances. Mediation without militarisation As Chinese physical assets - ports, refineries and a growing diaspora of workers - proliferate across the region, Beijing can no longer afford to be a passive bystander to regional wars. Its engagement in the security sphere, however, follows a distinct pattern: mediation without militarisation. (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({}); The 2023 Saudi-Iran rapprochement brokered by Beijing was a clear demonstration of this approach. By hosting talks and anchoring the agreement with its political weight, China helped resolve a years-long proxy war, proving that it can underwrite regional security not with aircraft carriers but with high-level political dialogue. In the last two years, however, the US and Israel have jointly and actively worked to disrupt that rapprochement. Nevertheless, and to their dismay, Saudi Arabia appears still to be seeking an understanding with Iran. A non-aggression pact floated by the Saudi royal court in recent days would seem to confirm as much. Chinese diplomacy may well have played a part in that development. Contrary to the US, China recognises that nations have different systems, histories and aspirations, and it is precisely for this reason that it does not impose preconditions when dealing with other countries, including those in the Middle East. This non-interventionist approach has earned Beijing a degree of trust, especially in Iran, that the US cannot begin to match. China is betting that regional elites, exhausted by failed democratic experiments, social media-driven uprisings and great-power wars, are ready for a different future. Beijing will not police the Middle East, but will weave it together through infrastructure and commerce. Trade disputes, Taiwan and Iran war: Can US and China reach a consensus? Nelson Wong Read More » By now, it should be evident to all that a multi-aligned Middle East, where regional powers balance their relations between competing great powers - an arrangement clearly favoured by Beijing - is far more stable than the Pax Judaica. It should then come as no surprise that Trump returned from Beijing empty-handed on the Middle East, and on Iran in particular, with his threats against Iran surging again in the hours since. Having failed to leverage Beijing's influence, Trump is left with the only instrument he trusts: escalation. But escalation against a country that China, Russia and much of the Global South have implicitly chosen not to abandon is a strategy with a ceiling - and Washington is approaching it fast. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye. War on Iran Opinion Post Date Override 0 Update Date Mon, 05/04/2020 - 21:29 Update Date Override 0

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